Transformation of the Pakistani identity of Pakistani-AmericansAaliya N. Naqvi-HaiAaliya312009-04-28T22:49:00Z2009-04-29T02:11:00Z11191867935 London School of Economics5661597969411.0000Negotiating the Pakistani-American Identity, Pre and Post September 11, 2001Table of ContentsAcknowledgements ………………………………………………… 3I.Introduction …..……………………………………………………. 4Methodology………………………………………… 41.2Theoretical Framework - Ethnicity………………….. 51.3Theoretical Framework – Othering…………………. 7II.Birth of a Confused Pakistani identity…………………………… 10III.Religious Identity within Pakistani diaspora …………………… 12Contributions by Early Pakistanis in InstitutionalisingIslam ………………………………………………… 163.2Religious Identity for the Second Generation ……… 16IV.Of being ‘Desi’ ……………………………………………… …… 19V.Othering of Muslims by Americans …………………………… 235.1Brief History of Islam as the ‘Other’ in the US …… 235.2Role of Media in the Othering Process ……….…… 24Hollywood Movies .………………. 27VI.Globalisation of Terror – September 11, 2001 …………………. 28 Institutionalising Discrimination – Measures adopted by the US Administration ………………… 28 Reactions from Americans ………………………… 31 American Backlash ………………………………… 32 Reactions from the Pakistani-American & Muslim Community ………………………………………… 33Mobilized …………………………… 33Withdrawn ………………………….. 346.5Discussion of the Results of the Questionnaire …….. 34VII.From ‘Desi’ to Pakistani: The Othering from Indian Americans .. 39VIII.The Ultimate Other ………………………………………………... 42 Empathy from Japanese Americans and African-Americans …………………………………. 42IX.American Muslims Defensive Reaction to Othering – Ethnicization of Religion …………………………………………. 43 The Uniform …………………………………….…. 45 Mosques for ‘American Muslims’…………………. 45X.Worrying Signs ……………………………………………………. 47 Implications for the Future ………………………… 47 Conclusion …………………………………………. 48XI.Bibliography ………………………………………………………… 50AcknowledgementsI would like to acknowledge all my family, friends and professors at LSE, who have been very helpful and patient during the process of researching and writing this dissertation. I would also like to thank all the people who participated in my survey efforts, especially since it involved, in many cases, issues of a deeply personal and sensitive nature. Furthermore I would like to thank my friends Hiam Abbas and Farheen Umar for their support and the Hussein family with whom I stayed in their wonderful St. Johns Wood apartment for a year. Finally, I would like to thank my parents for their encouragement and my husband, without whose support, all this would not have been possible. Chapter I – IntroductionIn this paper, I examine the effects of Othering (to be defined later) on Pakistani-American identity, pre and post September 11, 2001. I find that Othering is causing Pakistani-Americans to unite with other Muslims, creating an ethnic American Muslim group, while reducing their closeness to fellow South Asians or ‘Desis’ (to be defined later). I will start by examining the theory of ethnic identity, applying it to the multiple identities that Pakistani-Americans contend with. I go on to look at Othering vis-à-vis Islam and Muslims, highlighting how international affairs and their media coverage rather the than any actions on the part of Pakistani-Americans have affected domestic policy and common perception. I observe measures introduced by the Bush administration, which institutionalise the Othering process and the September 11 backlash from American citizenry. Furthermore, I argue that September 11 has had an added impact on Pakistani-Americans relative to other Muslims: the ‘Desi’ bond that existed within the South Asian community is being tested. I argue that, Pakistani-Americans, like other Muslims in the United States, are responding to the Othering process by ethicising Islam, and thereby aiming to achieve minority status under the ‘American Muslim’ classification. I conclude by noting that Pakistani-Americans, playing the role of the Ultimate ‘Other’, remain fearful of their future. 1.1MethodologyThe dissertation combines primary and secondary research. The primary research was conducted via a questionnaire comprising 43 questions (Appendix A). The questionnaire was e-mailed to Pakistani-American friends, acquaintances as well as to community newspaper websites. Forty-five responses were obtained and twenty-five were followed up with twenty-minute interviews. Since there is little anthropological information on Pakistanis in the United States, the secondary research was done via books written about Muslims, South Asians and South Asian Muslims in the United States. Information was also gathered from Internet forums and community websites.1.2Theoretical Framework - Explaining Ethnic identity“Multiple, fluid, overlapping identities can only be crystallized by negotiating colour, class, nation and tradition, real and imaginary markers in our contexts. Our identities are affected intensely by our location and relocation in physical as well as psychological worlds. The conflicts and concords that emerge as these worlds interact and collide can only facilitate the process of creation” (Dasgupta, 1998; p7).In examining the ethnic identity of Pakistanis in America, I will essentially be asking the question:What can the theory of ethnicity inform us regarding the Pakistani-American identity?The debate on the theory of ‘ethnic identity’ is vast. For my starting point, I borrow from Keen and Allen: ‘ethnicity is not in itself an explanation, but needs to be explained in itself’. As a construction, ethnicity is often a response to the attitudes from the host society. I reject the deterministic premise that ethnicity is biological and contend that Othering attitude from the host society plays a significant role in defining ethnicity. Madood and Turton have both rejected the notion that ethnic identity is ‘an unchanging essence’, a ‘primordial stamp upon an individual’. Madood declares ethnicity to be a product of “social exclusion and stigma and political resistance to them, distinctive cultural and religious heritages as well as new forms of culture, communal and familial loyalties, marriage practices, coalition of interests” (Madood et al, 1994; p119). Boundaries for groups are unclear and shifting, especially when groups broaden their ethnic identity to accommodate membership in overlapping groups.Like other commentators, who claim that ethnicity is grounded in social imagination and produces ‘imagined communities’, Castells accepts the argument that nations are ‘cultural communes constructed in people’s minds and collective memory by the sharing of history and political projects’ (Castells, 1997: p51). Unlike Huntington though, who ‘offers us a world of civilizational struggle with multiculturalism as the enemy within, Castells sympathizes with the expression of ethnic, racial, and national identities as a defensive local reaction to globalisation’ (Keen, 2002). For Castells, attempts to define meaning in terms of identity alone, or by asserting the value of an ethnicity (or ‘race’) as a thing of value in itself, become impossible to sustain in the context of globalisation and the consequence, very often, is marginalization. In discussing ethnic identity amongst Pakistani-Americans, I will employ Mohammed-Arif’s definition: “a process of construction or invention which incorporates, adapts and amplifies historical memories, cultural attributes and pre-existing solidarities, in order to create an internal cohesion, and to mark out distinctive cultural territory”. (Mohammad-Arif, 2000; p5) Besides examining ethnicity as an instrumental concept, i.e., what purpose it serves to assert a particular ethnicity, it should be noted that it is also a relationalist construct – ‘it is created and maintained by contact, not by isolation’ (Turton, 1997; p3). Paradoxically, the ‘very effectiveness, as a means of advancing group interests, depends on it (ethnicity) being seen as ‘primordial’ by those who make claims in its name’ (ibid; p11). Thus, in agreement with the above authors, I will explore Pakistani-American ethnicity largely through an instrumental and relationalist prism but paying some mind to the ‘cultural’ or ‘primordial’ argument put forward by the US Administration. “A fundamental element of the American psyche, ethnic identity is conceptualised as the result of external pressures and mutual perceptions in the complex relationships between majority and minority social groupings” (Mohammad-Arif, 2000; p5). I consider the on-going construction of an ethnic American Muslim minority, as a reaction to Othering, as evidence that the relationalist and instrumental prisms are instructive. 1.3Theoretical Framework - The Process of OtheringWhile Otherness is something most people usually experience in a psychological sense, the process of Othering has specific implications when it is used to disempower and marginalize a group of people. “On the one hand, Othering could be a way of defining and securing one’s own positive identity through the stigmatisation of an 'Other'. Whatever the markers of social differentiation that shape the meaning of "Us" and "Them," whether they are racial, geographic, ethnic, economic or ideological, there is always the danger that they will become the basis for a self-affirmation that depends upon the denigration of the Other group” (http://www.cwrl.utexas.edu, 2003). Therefore, “the “established” and the “outsiders” need each other and should be understood as structurally interdependent” (Van Der Veer, 1995; p15). Othering, therefore, creates social cohesion and furthers national identity among the “established” by marginalizing the “other”. On the other hand, the Other may internalise these stereotypes leading to defensive identity transformations. Haddad (1991) has pointed to the functions of Otherness of Islam and Muslims: for Americans, it acts as a ‘dynamic of identification’ while Muslims appropriate it as a form of self-identification. The process of Othering is also critical in the ‘construction of enemy’: the enemy ‘Other’ is dehumanised and attributed with ‘evilness’. Moreover, the process of comparing ourselves to these ‘Others’, allows us to put a distance between “them” (termed ‘evil’ for lack of better understanding) and “us” (who is good and sane) (Keen, 2002). The criteria for choosing the ‘Other’ is to look for people and societies ‘whose life and historical experiences vary from your own, are ‘different’ [which is true] and not understandable [which is not true]; use of the distance and difference allows one to re-confirm one’s own ‘normalcy’. Racism is often embedded in the process.’ (http://www.cwrl.utexas.edu, 2003). American Muslims, it seems, fit the bill for the ‘Other’ category. I posit that Pakistani-Americans, on the whole, contend with at least three main facets of identity: Pakistani nationalism, ‘Muslim-ness’ and ‘Desi-ness’ which means ‘of the land’ – a term used by Indians and Pakistanis to denote shared geographical, historical, cultural, and linguistic links. While ‘Desi’ is an internal bond between the Indian and Pakistanis In this dissertation, ‘Desi’ will refer only to the bond only between Indians and Pakistanis, since views of others in the category have not been researched., South Asian is the term employed by the host society to represent them as the ‘coloured Other’. I will look at these three key facets individually, examining their instrumental and relationalist aspects, and how they interplay in the aftermath of September 11. Chapter II – Birth of a Confused Pakistani Identity‘You are free to go to any place of worship in this State of Pakistan…and you will find that in the course of time, Hindus shall cease to be Hindus and Muslims shall cease to be Muslims, not in the religious sense, because that is the personal faith of each individual, but in the political sense, as citizens of the State.’ Jinnah, 1947 (Atal, 2003)Pakistanis within diasporas grapple with the uncertainty of their identity – they are religiously self-conscious, ethnically divided, and unsure of their ideology. Given this confusion, they are insecure, ‘have a chip on their shoulder and assert their ‘Pakistani-ness’ far more than Indians’ (British gentleman). This confusion can be traced back to the 1947 creation of the Pakistani state: Islamic identity, perceived to be under threat in Post-Partition India, was instrumental in mobilizing a political movement. However, once the relationalist aspect of Hindu majority was removed, it could not be translated into an overarching identity. Instead, there exists instability and confusion regarding both national and religious identity, often leading to the misuse of Islam in politics and discrimination against certain ethno-linguistic groups. The demand for Pakistan was premised upon the belief that Muslims were a separate nation rather than a minority. Mohammed Ali Jinnah, founder and first Prime Minister of Pakistan, defended this belief by claiming that ‘after centuries, (Hindus and Muslims) still remain two distinct major nations’. (Adeney, 1998; p346) However, Jinnah saw no tension in placing a secular democratic state on the foundation of a Muslim nation. In the run-up to the Partition, Muslim and Pakistani identities became interchangeable, and Islam was constitutionalized as the dominant identity in Pakistan. Jinnah regarded all identities as subservient to Islam, and regionalism was seen as negative and detracting from Islamic unity. ‘So what is the use of saying we are Bengalis, or Sindhis, or Pathans, or Punjabis? No, we are Muslims’ (ibid; p347). However, premising nationalism on the basis of Islam was paradoxical and resulted in confusion: Pakistani nationalism called for ‘unity based on land, family and tribalistic ties’, a concept that is alien to Islam which binds people together on the basis of an ideological bond.Liaqat Ali Khan and the Muslim League sought to continue Jinnah’s ideal after his death – the creation of an Islamic democracy based on the ideals of social justice. However, once the Islamic identity was no longer under threat in post-Partition Pakistan, and in fact had been assigned institutional recognition, it set the stage for other identities to start asserting themselves. Regional identities, language and ethnicity assumed greater importance relative to religion after Independence (Adeney, 1998; p349). Punjabi landowners emerged as the new elite – to this day, they continue to maintain their dominance against other provinces. The results of my survey support the premise of a dominant Punjabi identity as, in contrast to other respondents, all Punjabi respondents identified themselves as “Punjabis” and “Punjabi-Muslims” and even “Punjabi-American”. Thus, ethno-linguistic bias in the Pakistani State weakened the appeal of all-encompassing Islam. Chapter III – Religious identity within the Pakistani-American DiasporaIdentities are open to adaptation and negotiation. They have undergone and continue to undergo changes. “In some cases this involves highlighting, even creating, distinctiveness and a sense of apart” (Madood, 1994; p7)Whether Islam is just a part of a range of cultural attributes that differentiates Pakistanis as ‘different’ or whether it is the core social identity for Pakistanis, there is no denying that to claim oneself of Pakistani origin, you have to engage with some aspect of Islam: to explain conduct, ethnicity, and social relations. For most Pakistanis, ethnicity and religion come together in a harmonious fashion. I will briefly explore why Islam is an important identity marker for both, first and second generation Pakistanis in diaspora in the United States. First generation Pakistani-Americans carry the cultural and religious confusion of Pakistani nationalism referred to above while for the second generation, the practice of Islam in the American landscape seems to assume an ethnic identity.There are approximately 700,000 Pakistani-Americans, counting both legal and illegal immigrants According to the Pakistani Consulate in New York. Those who arrived in the 1980s and 1990s are generally less well qualified than their predecessors in the 1960s and 1970s. In 1971, 82.6% of Pakistani arrivals were professionals and technicians; others were teachers, scientists and businessmen. The later immigrants have found themselves getting involved in ethnic businesses and driving taxis. In 1992, 92% of New York taxi drivers were immigrants, of whom 21.3% were Pakistanis. (Mohammad-Arif, 2000) Pakistanis in diaspora stand out in terms of their pronounced religiosity: Islam was the raison d’ etre of their country. This observation is similar to the one made by Madood in his assessment of Pakistanis in Britain. Indian Muslims are used to being a minority and so are not as assertive. Also, the assertion of Muslim identity allows Pakistani-Americans to differentiate themselves from Indians, legitimising for themselves, the creation of their former homeland. The process of migration also affects identity: because the experience of migration challenges identity, it engenders nationalistic activism and also increases religiosity. “Religion has functioned for many as a transcendent basis for developing identity, especially for new immigrants because migration is enormously disruptive as plausibility structures for both personal identity and group cohesiveness are threatened” (Coward et al, 2000; p216). As Van Der Veer has pointed out, nationalism is encouraged by its dialectic relationship not only with religion but also with migration. For Pakistanis, there is an added correlation between religion (Islam) and nation (Pakistan) since religion is the official raison d’etre for their nation. Hence, Pakistanis in diasporas “give a predominant place to religion in the construction of their identity” (Grare, 2002; p41). Armed with this pronounced religiosity, Pakistanis discover that religion occupies a significant place in the United States. The First Amendment to the Constitution is supposed to guarantee religious freedom and even though religion, in theory, is relegated to the private sphere, Americans remain one of the more religious people within the industrialized nations. It is also widely agreed that Americans accept the concept of a Judeo-Christian monotheistic morality. From the early phase in American history, churches and synagogues played a significant role in the spiritual, social and even economic lives of immigrants. It is argued that religious freedom paradoxically promoted the emergence of ethnic solidarity and community identification: churches and synagogues were set up and controlled by distinct national groupings and contributed to the preservation of clear-cut ethnic life-styles. Therefore, as with other ethnic groups, religion became the main driving force of ethnic identity for Pakistani-Americans. Some of the more religious Pakistani-Americans are keen to proclaim their American identity: they feel gratitude towards the US for allowing them the freedom to practice their religion. To quote a Pakistani-American woman:“My Pakistani identity is just that I wear shalwar kameez Traditional Pakistani attire comprising long tunic and loose pants, and I eat Pakistani food. Otherwise, I feel more American than Pakistani. I try to be as sensible as possible and not get all emotional like other Pakistanis….I went to Disney World in Florida, dressed as a Muslim and I had a good time. I am an American Muslim, and proud to be so. It’s a feeling that makes me very happy” (Mohammad-Arif, 2000; p263). The dichotomy between American tolerance of religious matters and the prevalent anti-Muslim sentiment (preview to ‘Othering’) gives rise to a ‘reactive ethnicity’ which makes Muslims and Pakistani-Americans even more committed to Islam (Mohammed-Arif, 2000). Although looking specifically at the British experience, Madood has seconded this assertion: “the increase in public assertions of ethnicity and of political demands associated with ethnicity, often in the form of defensive cultural or religious conservatism, is related to the experience of exclusion and harassment” (Madood, 1994; p105). Therefore, what appears like religious revivalism may have its roots in the hostile elements of the dominant society. A Pakistani-American lady I interviewed, was concerned about her teenage daughter who had started wearing a hijab Scarf covering head. Even though teachers in the girl’s public school were also uncomfortable, they nevertheless upheld the religious freedom of the girl to express herself, much to the mother’s displeasure. Another factor that contributes to ‘reactive ethnicity’ or ‘localization’ is globalisation. Castells has argued that while producing some positive effects, globalisation also produces a “a whole array of reactive movements that build trenches of resistance on behalf of God, nation, ethnicity, family, locality, that is, the fundamental categories of millennial existence, now threatened under the combined contradictory assault of techno-economic forces and transformative social movements.’ (Castells, 1997: p2) In the face of increasing globalisation, there is a tendency for both minority and majority groups to emphasize their own group’s identity. Similar to others, Muslims also feel threatened by the spectre of uniformity and uncertainties brought about by globalisation. Religion, therefore, has become an obvious strategy by which to safeguard their identity. Religiosity also tends to increase with the birth of children and especially as they start to grow up. Parents see the practice of Islam as the most effective way of transmitting traditional values and limiting the westernisation of their children. “Religion is tasked with inculcating not only values but also bearings so as to avoid the ‘disintegration’ within American society” (Mohammad-Arif, 2000; p98). 3.1Contributions by Early Pakistani Immigrants in Institutionalising Islam Pakistanis, who immigrated in the 1960s and 1970s, played a crucial role in establishing religious institutions in the US. They set up several mosques and established the national organization, ICNA (Islamic Circle of North America), which was tasked with preserving Islamic traditions within Muslims in America and in propagating Islam. In 1996 it boasted 20,000 members and sympathizers. Haddad (2002) has provided some observations as to why Pakistani-Americans, in contrast to Arabs, became conspicuous and relatively powerful within the Muslim space in the US: (i) there was a heritage of political struggle with colonial rulers (ii) their command over the English language and on average, ‘higher education level’ than other Muslims (iii) experience in democratic politics, particularly student politics (iv) better standing relative to Arabs in the context of American foreign policy and general perception by Americans. 3.2Religious Identity for the Second GenerationFor the second generation, religion is not as much an issue related to integration, as it is one of cultural heritage. “For the second generation Asians, then, their parents’ religion is not merely about beliefs or morality, nor even something to be negotiated for the sake of family peace or for the sake of ‘appearances’; it is a part of their own ethnic identity” (Madood, 1994; p60). Muslim identity may come in two forms: it can be passive, some young people practicing as their parents have taught them, mechanically and without genuine interest in it. This, however, seems to be more the case of younger children. As they grow older, they tend to either completely reject their religious heritage or they seek to discover it anew, redefine it and perpetuate it in the land of migration.“Here young people can often be better Muslims than in Pakistan because its something they have chosen, and because its not forced on them by society as it is in Pakistan. In Pakistan, people fast because of family and social pressure. Here, if you fast, its because you want to………My son, who was born here, spends a lot more time praying than I do, for example”. (Mohammad-Arif, 2000; p100)This more pronounced, and often redefined, religiosity may indicate a more intellectually owned and carefully thought-out self-definition. “After much debate and deliberation, I came to the conclusion that I am first a woman by nature, then a Muslim by faith, an American by birth, and Pakistani by heritage” (Dasgupta, 1998; p38). This woman proudly declares that her ‘primary chosen source of identity comes from Islam’ because being a Muslim supersedes all other identities. An amalgamation of all these identities, she feels like she is fighting two battles: ‘one dealing with religious and racial prejudices within mainstream American society and the other, at home and community, wrestling to keep rights granted by Islam but denied by a (Pakistani) patriarchal cultural system’ (ibid; p39). However, for some young Pakistani-Americans, heightened interest in religion could be an expression of their identity crisis. “In high school I was asking myself, am I more Pakistani or more American. Being Muslim answers that question” (Goodstein, 2001). Also, the open display of Islam-ness, perhaps through clothing, (e.g. wearing the hijab) may betray a defiant desire to display their Otherness indeed their opposition, to the host society. Here Islam is used as an expression of difference. There are other respondents who view Islam as a response to the search for meaning in a highly materialistic society. This reaction is quite different from the desire to strike back at the host society and is meant to help in the quest for meaning and to achieve personal harmony. (Mohammad-Arif, 2000) To conclude, Pakistani-Americans, both first and second generation, place emphasis on their Muslim identity. For the first generation, Pakistani nationalism is intertwined with Islam while the second generation adopts Islam from within the ethnic perspective of an American landscape. Chapter IV – Of being ‘Desi’I argue, that in the beginning of the emigration process, South Asians formed a ‘Desi’ bond amongst each other, which was categorized as ‘South Asian’ by the American society. This bond served its utility initially but as the Othering of Muslims became a liability to the ‘Desis’, this bond has become severely tested. ‘Desi’ bond was relationalist to the extent that in a culturally and religiously foreign environment, Indians, Pakistanis and Bangladeshis found comfort in their common cultural heritage, shared, or similar language (especially Punjabi, Urdu/Hindi, Gujrati, Bengali), and similar food. Also, by submitting to the host country’s ‘South Asian’ categorization, these heterogeneous groups were able to respond in a collective fashion to their exclusion by the dominant culture and to their representation as ‘Other’. Whereas the concept of ‘South Asian’ in the sub-continent would be a geographical definition, in the diaspora it takes on a community dimension, “implying the erasure of the borders erected at Partition” (Mohammad-Arif, 2000; p225). Moreover, in agreement with Moynihan and Glazner’s instrumental explanation of why identities like Italians and Puerto Ricans have been maintained rather than abandoned, I contend that this collective ‘South Asian’ identity was ‘instrumental in advancing livelihood strategies’ (Allen, 1999; p13). Therefore, the adoption of the host country’s label of ‘South Asian’ may have been a relatively peaceful process of an ethnic group mobilizing to stake a claim to resources controlled by the state. However, while the South Asians perceived of themselves as a community, the creation of this ‘mythical’ homogeneity also helped assuage the host nation’s fear of differences. Americans, on the other hand, may have used the terminology to designate a different racial group, the ‘Other’. (Dasgupta, 1998; p5) This construction of the ‘fictitious’ South Asian identity was reinforced when the South Asians were branded a ‘model minority’, based on the higher-than-average 1960s median income. The title, however, proved to be double-edged: it was used to exclude South Asians from state-sponsored social welfare programs on the basis of income and the myth that South Asians were exempt from social problems like unemployment, poverty, racism etc. Also, this title caused resentment among other disadvantaged minorities such as the African-Americans and Hispanics. South Asian immigrants, who arrived in 1980s and 1990s, monopolized certain sectors of the blue-collar industry, giving rise to a detectable pattern of ethnic hostility. (Mohammad-Arif, 2000)Researchers, like Asghar Ali Engineer and Paul Brass assert that Pakistanis and Indians should be able to co-exist reasonably well in the ‘South Asian or Desi’ diaspora in the United States (Mohammad-Arif, 2000). They argue that the confrontation between Hindus and Muslims in India, (and the sub-continent) have economic and political dimensions and migration removes these raison d’etre. They do not accept the culturalist or primordial argument that asserts the inherent inability of Islam and Hinduism to get along. Based on evidence from New York, Mohammed-Arif has pointed out that even though the direct social and political rivalries of the subcontinent have disappeared, this has not brought the two communities closer in diaspora and communication remains limited. ‘Hindus and Muslims alike, who have heightened nationalist feelings, find expression in increased religious fervour, and exclude the Other from their field of identification’. Madood in his survey of ‘Asians’ in Britain also came to the conclusion that there was no special role of a ‘pan-South Asian identity’ and that differences amongst them continued to play a role in keeping identities linked to religion and country of origin.However, Mohammad-Arif insists that this result should not lead us to reject the ‘Desi’ bond and it also should not make us accept the primordial explanation regarding the inherent incompatibility of Islam and Hinduism. Instead, she endorses Sudhir Kakar’s thesis that enhances Engineer and Brass’ analysis by including social and psychological aspects, and effects of modernization and globalisation on cultural identities. Mohammed-Arif points to the role of leaders of immigrant communities who either out of personal ambition, habit, and/or political reasons, may instrumentalise ethno-religious allegiances and emphasize the individuality of each community, fostering the formation of separate identities. Like the leaders in former homelands, they obscure shared history and mutual relationships that have bound these communities together for centuries. Another explanation for the ‘myth’ of a South Asian community that Mohammad-Arif provides, is that the community could be in mid-stage of migrating diasporas: during this stage, communities fragment along nationalistic/religious lines. She discusses how in the initial phase of migration, people from the same area of the world tend to keep together. When numbers increase and communities become established, splits develop along national, religious, regional, and linguistic lines. In the last stage, people may make a conscious effort to restore and unite under the previous category in order to stake bigger claims to resources. A similar process may be occurring with the South Asians and we may be at the stage where fissures are keeping the two communities apart. In a later section, I contend that these fissures were not just a natural progression, but also influenced by the Othering encountered in the United States. Interestingly, from my survey, while only half the respondents thought of themselves as ‘Desi or South Asian’, most responded that after Pakistanis, they felt the closest to Indians, even after 9-11, and their Indian friends outnumbered most other categories. Chapter V – Othering of Muslims by AmericansI argue that the process of Othering in the United States was already underway pre September 11, 2001, with the media playing the central role. September 11 has seen the Bush administration legitimise and effectively institutionalise the Othering process. Pakistani-Americans have become the ‘Ultimate Other’, accompanied by the added pressure of the fragmenting ‘Desi’ bond. It has evoked empathy from Japanese-Americans and African-Americans, as the process involves holding an entire ‘ethnicity’ responsible for the tragedy of 9-11. 5.1A brief history of Islam as the ‘Other’ in the United StatesThere are approximately 7 million Muslims in the United States. South Asian Muslims comprise the second largest category at about 25% while African-Americans are the largest category at 42%. ‘The United States holds a real microcosm of the Muslim worldwide community. Within America, about 60 countries and about 100 subgroups are represented, as are most Islamic sects and schools of thought within Islam. The fragmentation (amongst Muslims) is on many levels: cultural, national, regional, linguistic, sectarian, ideological, legal’ (Mohammad-Arif, 2000; p193). Haddad and Smith (1994) point out that the Muslim population can be further divided into its waves of immigration, into generations, immigrants and students, between town dwellers and country dwellers. Despite these fragmentations, Americans and American media treats Islam and Muslims as a monolithic ‘Other’, ‘the Muslim within’, that is working to destroy America. Muslims and Islam have always been regarded with mistrust in the United States – within government and its foreign policy, by the media and by the people. Islam with its elements of mystification “belongs” to a mysterious and alien culture and so represents the absolute ‘Other’ to the American liberal ideals, culture and experience (Haddad, 1991; p58). The end of the Cold War has seen Muslims and Islam become the official ‘Other’, the leading cause of Huntington’s ‘Clash of Civilizations’. Critics have called this clash a “political and strategic “myth”, carved-out for specific foreign policy needs, and to safeguard the Western economic interests, political and strategic values” (Khawaja, 2000; p191). “The confrontational tone and insensitivity of US foreign policy towards Islamists thus perpetuates cycles of polarization, misunderstanding, and hostility at home, as well as abroad” (Haddad, 2002; p209).Another aspect of the mistrust of Islam spills over into the political process: American Muslims, who have tried to participate in US election campaigns, have been labelled sympathizers of terrorists in the Middle East. Hence, taking campaign money from Islamic organizations has become fraught with danger. An example is when Hillary Clinton was smeared for taking money from American Muslims while running for US Senate. She ended up returning the money. Thus, the ‘inability for any candidate to do business with Muslim groups without taking heat’ (Steinhauer, 2001) raises questions about whether American-Muslims will be able to establish themselves in the US political system. 5.2Role of Media in the Othering ProcessThey describe us…..That’s all. They have the power of description, and we succumb to the pictures they construct’ (Rushdie, Satanic Verses; p168). “The importance of the media as ‘image maker’ is widely acknowledged: its power to influence the perception – and even formation – of identity turns it into one of the most dynamic sites of cultural negotiation” (Crane et al, 2000; p217). Pre-September 11, Media led the charge against Muslims: “What they (US administration) can achieve through the mass media, decades earlier were done by armed interventions and military engagements in traditional battlefields” (Khawaja, 2000; p117). Propaganda analysts Ed Herman and David Peterson write: “media is no longer a separate “fourth estate” functioning as an independent watchdog, but rather, is an active participant in policy and electoral debate” (Goldberg et al, 2002; p175).As ‘one nation under television’, Americans have been ‘seduced by TV’s aura of authenticity such that distorted reality has become society’s reality’ (ibid 175). As Haddad points out, coverage of most conflicts involving Muslims has been historically biased, driven largely by foreign policy concerns, as in the case of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. September 11 has elevated the bias: Unlike other biases, such as those directed against Jews and African Americans, the anti-Muslim and anti-Islam bias has become an accepted part of public discourse. Syndicated columnist for National Review, Ann Coulter, wrote America “should invade their [Muslim] countries, kill their leaders and convert them to Christianity”. She also calls for the “mass deportation of Muslims”. It should be noted that Ann Coulter is not a fringe extremist, but a best-selling author and frequent guest on mainstream national television networks. So “what exactly is the American perception of Islam? In many ways it is no different from the images current in many non-Muslim countries. John Esposito lists salient features: holy war and hate, fanaticism and violence, intolerance and the oppression of women” (Mohammad-Arif, 2000; p234). When it comes to Islam, the image in the minds of Americans gets shaped by coverage of international events rather than by the behaviour of Muslim immigrants living in the United States. Acts of anti-American violence exacerbate the stereotype that all Muslims are perpetrators of violence and terrorism: the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, oil crisis of 1973-1974, the 1979 Iranian revolution and hostage taking at the US embassy, the Gulf War in 1991, the attack on the World Trade Centre in 1993, bombings in Kenya and Tanzania in 1998, suicide bombing of USS Cole in 2000 and September 11, 2001 have all reinforced existing prejudices. Post September 11, the Bush administration has created an environment where dissent is considered unpatriotic and ‘treasonous’. Mathew Engel in his article in the Guardian on January 13, 2003, has commented on how journalists (or the ‘president’s men’) have felt obliged to tone down criticisms (of the administration) because of the sense of shared national purpose after September 11. There has been little critical analysis of the causes of 9-11. Instead, the widespread rationale is, as stated in New York Times (September 16, 2001): that “the perpetrators acted out of hatred for the values cherished in the West: freedom, tolerance, prosperity, religious pluralism and universal suffrage”. There is little admission or discussion ‘that any evils performed by the United States might have something to do with the evil endured by the United States’ (Heuvel, 2002; pxvi). 5.2.1Hollywood movies & Muslim VillainsMovies like True Lies, Not without my daughter, Executive Decision, The Siege perpetuate the Muslim villain. The Siege takes the stereotype and suspicion of Muslims to a new level: after a series of terrorist incidents in New York city, Arab-Americans and South Asians are herded into a detention camp, reminiscent of the Japanese detention camps of World War II. The message is clear: Islam will bring violence to this country and that all Muslims pose a threat to the American society. Internment fears are real to the seven million American Muslims and in fact date back to 1987, when Reagan Administration was reported to be renovating army camps in the South. Chapter VI – Globalisation of Terror - September 11, 2001September 11, according to Mr. Bush ‘changed everything’. It made Americans feel vulnerable: not only was it the first attack on American mainland in 150 years, it was also unexpected and sudden. It resulted in an openly hostile environment for American Muslims, catapulting the Othering process to unprecedented levels: by playing on the fears and pathologies of the masses, the administration has manipulated people into paranoia and hysteria. It has been able to implement ‘draconian’ measures to curtail civil liberties in its fight to preserve ‘freedom’. It has also been able to ‘manufacture consent’ from its paranoid citizenry, allowing for two military occupations post September 11, 2001. There has also been a backlash from the American people: they have become united in their patriotic fervour against the ‘Other’, which unfortunately bears the American Muslim identity. 6.1Institutionalising Discrimination - Measures Adopted by U.S. AdministrationIn addition to launching a permanent war on terror abroad, the US government launched a permanent war on terror at home. Besides, depriving “enemy combatants” in Guantanamo Bay of their basic human rights accorded under the Geneva Accords, governmental policies have singled out domestic American Muslim organizations and immigrants from Muslim countries present in the US. On October 26, 2001, the President signed the PATRIOT Act or ‘Providing Appropriate Tools Required to Intercept and Obstruct Terrorism Act’. The law, which was approved hurriedly with little public debate, has been criticized by constitutional law experts: they declare that it not only violates the Bill of Rights and erodes the civil liberties that Americans take for granted, it also undermines the U.S. system of checks and balances: by bestowing sweeping powers to the executive, and quelling dissent in the name of patriotism, the judicial and legislative branches of government have been reduced to rubber stamping decisions. The Act ‘stands out as radical in the degree to which it sacrifices our political freedoms in the name of national security and consolidates new powers in the executive branch’ (Chang, 2002; p44). This unchecked power sets up the stage for state predation In using the term ‘state predation’ I am referring to government actions that exceed it’s constitutional mandate and infringes on private spheres of interaction., they contend. The PATRIOT Act and other new legislation, through their ‘preserving life and liberty’ doctrine, profiles American Muslims, alienating them from American society and also legitimises and institutionalises the Othering of American Muslims. More than 60,000 American Muslims, regardless of legal, economic, or community status, have been negatively impacted by the government’s high-handed actions post 9-11. In violation of the Constitution, the Government has conducted ethnically, nationality and religiously motivated registrations, interrogations, raids, indefinite detentions often leading to deportations and closure of charities. There are numerous stories of American-Muslims and Pakistani-Americans who have become victims of racial and religious profiling. Approximately 2,000 American Muslims were detained post 9-11, mostly for overstaying their visas. Over 40% of those detained are Pakistanis, making them the single largest group. Those released (deported) speak of mistreatment. A fifty-five year old Pakistani man, free of any links to terrorism, died of a heart attack while in custody. Approximately 550 Pakistanis have been deported since (none on terrorist charges), arriving in Pakistan shackled and restrained. Despite the presence of over 300,000 illegal immigrants in the US, the Government has chosen to selectively enforce its immigration law on absconders from Muslim-majority countries. Critics ask: “to what extent is there a racial and ethnic frame through which these imprisoned lives are viewed and judged such that they are judged as less than human, or as having departed from the recognizable human community?” (Goldberg et al, 2002; 266) These measures, which some people term as publicity stunts to assuage a nervous American audience, have not yielded any terrorists to date. What they have accomplished is the disruption in the ability of thousands of American Muslims to live their lives freely, negatively impacting their careers, and their future. Psychologically, it has damaged relations with other Americans: when Americans see the long shadow of FBI involvement in a ‘different’ individual’s record, it breeds mistrust. A la ‘thought police’, the PATRIOT Act allows for telephone and e-mail surveillance, all without the need for FBI to provide ‘reasonable cause’. People are afraid of ‘disappearing’ for saying anything inappropriate. Secret military courts, secret trials, secret charges, secret evidence, secret sneak and peek break-ins are not something out of fiction but a reality that is being applied selectively to American Muslims. Furthermore, the Government is monitoring all males over the age of 16 from 25 Muslim countries, from the time they apply for a visa. The ones already present in the country were required to register with INS (Immigration and Naturalization Services), an opportunity that it utilized to deport all ‘out-of-status’ individuals. The director of the Southern California chapter of American Civil Liberties Union termed these arrests as “reminiscent of the internment of Japanese Americans during World War II” (Cainker, 2003). Unfortunately, while more than 150 cities have passed resolutions condemning the Patriot Act, there is a second Patriot Act in the works, which threatens to further push the US in the direction of a police state. There is also considerable talk of introducing national identity cards, which will prominently identify the bearer’s ethnicity. “Given racial profiling and a terrorized public subjected to a few more bombings, how far would we be from requiring Arabs to wear yellow crescents, as Jews in Nazi Germany were once made to wear yellow stars?” (Goldberg et al, 2002; p74)6.2Reactions from AmericansThe events of 9-11 brought the spot light onto Islam and American Muslims. Americans began wondering about the intentions of Muslims in their midst. In polls taken, most of the American public professed to a negative impression of Muslims and Arabs in America shortly after the attacks. Interestingly, however, this attitude was no different from months before 9-11. 9-11 and the resulting ‘War on Terror’, President Bush labelled as “civilization’s fight” (Heuvel, 2002; p227), a tussle between Evil vs. Good, Civilized vs. Terrorists. His language has been one of ‘American civil religion’, demonising first Osama Bin Laden, and later Saddam Hussein - “better for reinforcing defensive self-pride than for critical understanding of the bewildering interdependence of our time (ibid; p238). By employing this form of language, President Bush is stamping Huntington’s biological determinism on ‘a social group, asserting that it is inherently predisposed to violence, and that their primal barbarity can be contrasted with our humanitarianism.’ (Allen, 1999; p15) This allows the Bush administration to assign blame to the ‘viciousness’ and ‘irrationality’ of the ‘Other’, thereby conveniently deflecting scrutiny from accusations that past actions of the US government were wholly or partly responsible for the tragedy of September 11. 6.3 – American BacklashiVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAASwAAACKCAMAAAAnkYcAAAADAFBMVEUAAADgdX+Kgm1cWDRvAArl 7e5LBRWjoazl7NPf3d6HV09oQjkXIRa6vbre1dCOlp7MV2hmMzPl9vjousFGPTu6WWIMBhJmZmbe 8uSogni33NyvQ0+YVlaBMTvv4993SDxxJDL/7fgnJirSiIytmZ9NPSDiqrAZAQRmZmZqOEH65e4m DRSXd290WEa7h351IR+9qrCEc2uIi47Pwbrq1tDv7uX/1N/27/dbOj6gQ0TG8+K2paBtZ3Lky88I Egd7EyJuVkkpIhiqN0ZIKSTIIznllJ+7rFGnIje7bHfv7u+ztavl5t5aMin///+oUlhwNSb919SX i2j35uMwMSillpQTGhCrZW6KR0FkOzlkRUt7amNOSkHW1tr57++Fa2tncIA1ChW7mJJxFRfMmZnM dHnMzMwJBgekpKJZVlbnycWckJL1prGpycu3q6/OvmNLIiDl//uIeHL28OWNJDqeOEaHFif/zMzj j5N0YVogIyH3//1bRUxKNjHm5uaokorRq7J3JCojAgiHBxm0cmg6Ojama2GWiYSSMTNyZGOZZmZ7 a2rj+O+sp6SVNUWlmZ4zIBzS9fNSQD2KOjqUjo96eX7m7+VrXFpNESXJ397v9/CqfHP+ucP//8z5 9+/83t6pEiKtra5VKiQQAADf39XTmpVpRUKyo3q/iI0SDxOPAAkXGRqJhoPkoKHv5eaqioKXESLh gZJyPTS3en7NZn7/9/nm3eBjWFTv9ff0tbb39/eFXF4hGBePRlTFwsZbU0qIfH1OMinp39aCJTKX hH3Fv7n/5uWkESyXen9ZQ0AhIhmUJCr2yc7htbSpmWjW6eD/ysU1GRrW2cx5dXT2t7+NDxj73tS9 tbUmEgrMrqKMNkerZ2B2WlJ0a2zPw8dGQEIzMzP/8OWZmZm1SlsxKSysblWodG5aNTFod42vIiUQ FghLGxW1tbf93ebw//t0S0n4yMJPS0y5N0vMZmY1Kx/KeYXIt7eZMzO/wsmspq4pJSGjSFdqWVKE NUTX8eOHg30XEQdgfiJzAAAAAWJLR0QAiAUdSAAAAARnSUZnAQAAFD7qt1UAAAAMY21QUEpDbXAw NzEyAAAAA0gAc7wAAFpXSURBVHhe1Z0NWFTXtfexFb8lRkCI4kTAkCdoVIRBDX57KeAYMxkQFRyr IF8SK6AiGDAmQQKCKCIocpmiaCF8qEVEBARRp4rwomLAtMh39V4FBCNaQYX3v/Y+Mwxq7m2b93na d0WZmTNnxpwf/7X22muvc45WwllY6FvNod/ofeHVebVpvM+e9r/zDz/7lOx/+BR7/++y8+c/DTVZ sSLYJBg/GhqCHYOD8czVtay7PszR0XHUqBUr8Hf+irCwUbCyBw9WzJ8/v7tsxXwtsvnzV8x/8MDT c4Wja9iDB6NGPWiYmxE8qrusrOzJk8JCrYThw0NDtf83WBpc/n+AlQFQwcBiYjIKrEY9KNMzqO9u aHAsI1bBjqPA5wGzUfgLQMHAMh+45gMkuMFWlJU9WLGiu1vvYHAwvcTrvj6tkuyzocDFzWEAtNeV 87+9/of11P+B/wfKUn8ZlFW2gtECKaiHDj7Y1dGz25G2rBgFea3ANrBYMaqMoaGXMMCijSQ9Aokt o0aFVZkEE9RRo9I9PbUihg8HhPj4eIkGrP8Ny9vf/7eABeyhJlDVKPaX5AWfm+/oWBbWGUYOCYmA xoMHZY7BUBQck7ZhlxVEB1CAjOSH156eD+ZrhVXhKx5AkeM84aVfzlNHLNIV19b/37CG4/jBav6o BhIWlAUxhTmG6cEjH4AOhIUoBPmQcroburu7mZyYuICXSY3JEfA866voXfJECmmx8wbE938OEz51 TrB/Tl47YK9/kraptv49sV39eYJFRqGdaI0a5RgW1l0IUQUzKQVDUfAtimYMj+MKCuWMDrkkVLdC 9Wq+a5XJqG5HR4S/DEhLr27gWPhP03pjsPznsGl8SiOQ/T2w1KMpwWIq4QELP4PDujHGETY2OpLY wAgEgdTRscFRFbawnYV8Ni5SWJvvejd4frejXoOjnl53t1Z3TfYviur/D/OH1zn987AwGrLxDrGI eWJ39wPPB1qEzTGsbEUZqYuFf8IWDIDc6SjQ04folSezFfO95wavaCgOKn6yaF/hIq2WGdnqwfCf D1f9yH6xntgX9CuJf98/pqwyBgthZv4Kk2DkSAjYntALVARE5FMNlD0IcYolEwj6nJegKcEn52sB VnphyMJr+8i0CierYf1SD/ylmelrmQQH9I/CwgeGZ3BY8KVRDZSHCkkVsks2OIIhC+IqIoSN+S08 MizMsVv1hie+wntuRnrfB+9FLtu8+eESrXEbHVRB698BFo/qGkICrFxu2Kh+U72F7SnsoHoYDlYM Foggi0D05skBEQp+4DmfhObpOX8FJQPYhzyPdpnvmBey78kTDJTMF1dkkMyqqjI8+0JORh49+tnD m1rj4ma9BdYvSCD+wVkPG0RVmuKoBsDSBKHxprCZ76umCXeFy67JyOA5JSy4DH+DM4L7+lasSJ+v taJMi56tGEfvdT95Eha2ZBFt8MQmT8+FI44evVnYTR9Nh2Wka2nNrMqYvyJk2u6jeOeOFkvhVQn8 v1pb/wusXOF9NRxNsBTYVLDS03kAgpJo9heckdFX2F2GraMcRy168mQUSKyY7/nkxInY2NVP+iAz LQZr7e7PPtu8D+Gedshgf+IOwg0vvoc3GKyD/bCEOc8vRPaLQvwbkXyAi3FY/ZtUcHlCxr30/I41 JAsK4J6IQn19yKjS07++c6cw3XO+o6vrkydPgkEBoWvJe1NrZ8/GBLnwwfwMbLozdfdnR+9AWQ9G CaOhp2fm3HRPrX3v7Z7+2TKCdTd7YNXhF6L6R4sP7MjfGto5t4HxaCAsFav29vZz53bsEBx6hwfB YsBWNITduVM2KthzX0jIkifjxq1wLF54805hYQZs/rGL0yLff3hxH2BRSE9P74v862ef3bzZjVkP TQTJPOOqAOvJNKOHgHVTS8sAJRrNVOtfAauf1v+sLO6HKn54Ona/9rn2sZVjx1a27zhXCdOGsgCL hJKBWWCD6/0li8qCj4XUnrh4EfgcYwserltXmJ6BNP7YsiNGKx+G7Ovrw2wa+3vemcpglVHGmoFU C6w8Mw8C1pL3jNw4LO+B9axfyuofdUKVsoSJDWBBI4k8tzr/aXIyRWw+DNKo+OkObW31nufOaR8+ DFCH9/sdftWOdyAww8RPP/WgiU5wRpgjkIQ8enhnRdmx2QX3H5KECmMLNq+7c2fcOFSptO7fM1p5 NGRfYR/GSaJbeNLos8/W3Vy0aNGoUSYZhCrds3cupjkX04ymI2YBVv0aDV39UlT/qBPyvIDCDRsV QSaRuCTDiNL5gIAAShnOn9/R3s5Fp324kgUoIGwnTJXalfv9/A6PbW+vHIud2vF5jwxHR3BxdVxR lvEEsPpWHLsPWDeht8LZBUcfTunzhMgeHFtFsC4uKuyDF8IvPe+sH/HZZw/3YSpYVobgjrifkd47 t9BTKyTtLwKshjo1rF+O6p+ChSPX1tY2jNphWKndDnnAApKZQsFMPGsWaO7Y0R4FzbRr+4394guA Ydza2w/v30/C2r//k/1jtQ9H0ScZrIYWzJo7G0CsZcTDOw8eANa7D2+OS88ovAZY6/rGjUP4P7Zq t9H7RylmIaRTFNu3fuX06Q9vFhIreCXcMDjj4NzuDK3701a64Q0oq6VOPTf8V8BiUKIOH/aLelU5 /vCrKPz3KuqW5a3U1NDht4YNG5Y9y4FHqsMekFXlWL/x4/f7CZHdb/z+/e3tYDX+i/Gg9uqVX7s2 5HkBsAoLy1xb0gsLQxgsz1iClZ4+atG1EUcf3rkDFsHBx0buHgFYTxY5NiADzcjQuzZtJSlrHyrK WsHpWsAVZpI5t6Vba9U0uCEbDRvWaI6Gv5jXPxqzaP8dleOj/F69OnwYvvTq1auxr6I/j05NFYvF t/7whyvGs2aRiNor/3bu3OGxfgD0CQhh+NP28wOj/fv99n8y/otP/NrboyorowyRpV5IDwOs7s7u vj41rLUqWI8IVmFLg0lZ36rdI/74cMmSfQ2AtSIjWO9aGmBt3tyNqmqDCc2j0+sdZxo0tGiNZDFr HWC1eAyI8PhfFIv/N2Tm5g5RsERhv0SYXC6nB+EpIUhMpNBzXqhzUWyapSKJneW5qt1x5BDW2MrK TxB8xgOHX+WVz10sh0FXt379q6XZyWJ8DONd5WGKUX7jAccvdPjwNTQGHt5fuWbsq8MATGJL1Nam YFaTToffXUyBK+R9sHmgdW3tKopZZX33R26+OWVKRoPJ/BV9J+6NeP9hCKp/DRnIvEwalgHWUSSl nXoZBiZaSN/TG4JnGug5ao08Psdt+uY7gGWCghZwSSQS1Jbj4xksDXsrN4JlaGgIqOdUkPAYgMMf O3YscSNUAiz87/v5nTtnTJbL3sF77El7ZSVAYfz3Ozweu+z/AkL5BFLZf3jY0g8+r/j8D39Y+uTz W/GEfMcOv8PkdIhO2HV8VGIiC22JCF4YBthsW5105EanYymmry/kSV9f35KPHn799TEtV/9V66Yg ZPVdPLHvztdfB9c3pO+7M3LqiD8ebTAxaQnLaDHJMAlZNm3iJISshvqwjN82aHlqeQL6TANvR61f f/vd9M82U8wyuXA2OxuoBFhvEHsbrVmzZqFsHxAgxxM8dRD0JGevSTaquum5ZCBS6yk3FwXVHZDk uVm5GOkhFvyJ2n/4k0++gJ78PvkE/nQY2YDHrd998Ovf/eY3v/ndos8hK8w2d7Qf/uIT6M9v/3jA OnwY6YVgGomZKge7Uh8bew1/ViO5uv+ooKD2RMgLl9oT4aNbYyyu3b9/4trFhk69ffvu3B/xx88e PinEsk8hgljLtWVHVq4cGbLI0TG2vsoEiYNnWVhYpkH9Cq2Pvz2w6zMoFPhiVGs6jNPfBYsBBBOg OQdQDg7JHBeTjzEcsn96TBsEV4RC2tvHjv8C+tix4xV0BDCHK7/4Ahu+AKdPxh/eT2Fr7Ng1t5Z+ 8GtLy99Z/mHRr8Ri6DB3x9jxh8eOHb+/EtHdDykDvv9nYX2qs2f1qoKCgpG1R47ci3z33rRp044c qXWyPEvzgaerak++N5Ws4P0R7xvt3r12bdDq1ddCQsAz9uNly5bNxtNrenrHyAoL65sMyrSOjZh2 AJEfyvL0jJsVGtqvLNXQmN1vA7SFQR6aGDt21ixzc9IRD1csYJ0/z1hBadzeEuvbic348ePHwt8O j0dGuYMiNETlB+cDOUostc8Nv7D0yQd/GDHic5dFvWIxD3ygCIxjWWzStNeURen9hYSFIwFrVUFk 5L177+++d2Ra2rTLOqUOlK/Jp9ZOnfpeJNm93X8csTuyIBKv106damHh4rrkzsOjF2OLXZjVrsa8 sTi8s7vw5ohvD0yHsgBrXByU9SYshC0VrgGw4uMTE8WG+8fOApVZ+AUjzKtgUd5NrCBOLjw1LYTz XIQpeXs7Bn7oaOj48Z/4fUIqQdQai7wJf+iRJabnzofqLI394NcfwO78Ssyy+fM7tNsFLbEHzSDF Sg2qNJ/Gkbq7L0YGBbmcKJg69cjU93cfgbSm/WgZnZqda67I/bHg3r17u8m+3f3+iN3saeTHYHtk 4aJjDwtOVlzeVxs59b33pkbemzp17cnwzhe1H+/+9rPPRhiNGAE3zAQUwFJJSiyWSPBXBUuDlEwm lxMJMWBpQ1eksPNgx2DREzY6nj8vTgxohBkbQ3rtiFDEzdzc2Dg5+dw5ik1+EBdi+XgEocOHcZx8 rqdmcP586C1LHrP+uuhXpTy+v81en0cKMevTCxF5eXkvYBawhVOJ1TRdy6alT5/Om6f4MfIIOJHt Jljs+e7dR44cmXbtwZ0R06atP3lzJL2CB8N2husFjRjx7V/f/8wo514kYB0cAAuQmMzwwJSlAUup ZKOkXI5Hc5i2X1QAA6U2tiCWnNxYXd3RIVUolUqHxKioeLxdrluha46jJljIIT9BnP5iPAK1tka9 pX82HVr6I2ARrTu/KgX+xHZSkkb9gUv2rbCw8UJEAjMXf5jFSWY2NuH+J9ev//FHG4pXXFq73zc6 co9zIzwX+xaun3bcferRlQhy9DYkuf6y3osRI/6KCTZBRcwyQI0GqcMb7Q4OmrDwbnZjI4OlUJib K5XW1uaJhvGK29bGxgEB5x0czNu+0jU2Bi25UprfZXTggNFf3BWy0Kj4+Fy5bk7Ry49y5IzGWOTp lEAiEcADnx6zUKcR4cShdVxZf7jzq1S5eECpQQPZzygr90JJr9rCw3devrxz5/qdl6dGGiE8XfVH fOJ2JPKPIwRqjNiSRWvTjufcO/6+0TS8ghpz7t1bfzJ24Yg5y1Gh+bbr292IWd6zBrjhcCYsGA9Z grJCZ2EvWQBYNTa2ledvPzPmdJtDfKPppZxycwxYobnGupOcrc2zExMVFRvsfng259kCt92BMlFi QG6be9Gfc3R15/G61XCPUEq/z+04R4kSI/RaSQuZ2BqbDz743W9+95vP7/z6iuCFA8peGsQYSY5N lTro1GyKJpvMLaapqclpZ0HBvZUrjUacvHr15E4aDteunRq5asQ9rixmm29GHjE1GrH7yG4iRcCO THM/GbZw5crlyx9+ZgSDsjpnva4sHUu28qoBC8x0LK1EcKxqXXfnoi3bvhm8t0IubtQfvMC5XO4A VzO3frk1yVwuVmbt/eb3Y7KSfDfomyoakwPkbaYv7cvNjXNzkQGAjIPDp0hK8fgpT1uFaK2hK7x5 5fPPP0eW9ZvffPy5TS4GQ070jdG1f9sAkelsevp0k0CKHpqaZvbunBq5+6/fTjsyda3/2qtXr16G 4na+F3nv5BGKWMzl7h2988ioy/T4kXs5OZweMo71U8NqV87561+P/vHbb/8CWOn1ocNZ1OJ+WBkv UWRtOVNuCB9ra2uMz87WRjA3FzdO++OP1VLfQROuf7PNbnFPT4+zrlKh2Go3Z4tvG+Y+beYB713P l8UnJ/3HDxOPKxCmlEqMB3jIWpljDUd7Sx5xnoYGZWNUFATm5zersdFaaXjO+Jzf+ex5P9r8gez/ TMvyNUuzlEM0/cpC8bS9HX/9/DBm+PWvBKnk9mmdEyHaBJs82Wkjs02WlxdGGo14tL7OKbzk6loy fwZsJ+IZXHRqmv2CIUMOTSoqKHi0pHYqEH7717/+FSlawZJH74/4y1/c3sfLI1rjxoWhUkrGWVUa iqTLB9vdvlUp6XA30xWJOCxJY5fbewpfu8GDn/00yDY/ydraWimTKfSvn95ypi17/9g28+T1030D DAO2/97O3ZwnDQ4OSOcDnSPLWUL2Ji0Slq5+RWJUe+4OOvL8MRXt7QRLVrd06Y8//uHzESsP7N1b VLSeYDFaA6IXgxXVP0xyWIj7dU6MltPkGTNmRDs5bYx5mn32qdOe2vffX7Xz00/Pxjk5Rcc4bQwP R2DDCBAejt2/SvvzlkmHDh26P3vt0y9v3ozMydm9m3LZe4+WLHw04t63nx0ALCOtcVotazRju2Fl 6Y2Vbm72VhKJz6NDRtZtDJY8vnH79OOB+oO3bu+AL5LJHSRi5fHpvmO2JskNz5mbJ1dc396Y2Hjm +zHSXIfzajrlRe65lL6+VVnJyTlDpiVGncvN9fPLVd5b4L6DKSsgvrI0cPuc6dMnTpzkbGYmYpTY wiGlVCBiddzXHGLEMx71BlguYDFak/FgY+O0qQ6/7LMz/C8uO3HC5tNPZxhcmRxDhr2cnKCtyyUl Vx89elk0CbTWfR0y78WHXx9dmZOD2H/vvfce7Vu4cOG93UdJWRgNtVouaMBCGVt2Y9d3zZM6RKUB Nu/+ubwt2xCwxIYBWZfM8i9d8kX+AA9FoE/ETLqxY2LX7b1pcgcHY6Vc+qxLmdyo/wN24bkEBZlc 3aIKyrd+BlZuzoIuzL8ZLMXKU2aJ5wmWPD7Ravc2uzFdWWbuGGKRoPXDImAiI7fvfFG1eEsYo3+y LoZxmgxSsBgdY+OzT+vqnO6vPTm5bvTwg3Gf1sQg/HNYsPCNkwsOffTRpEkf3Qes2QVLltw89G5k 2rT3YGtXLwlaWHsvctkIJBeUOjTUaCqrUiKrcNO/PdG5QySS3dvm25YdH29uHv8qIP+7rPzp+lCa 4f79r5CaItusDKg22t1mXyQ1zwYbxZyf2pJlc+xuNKpyd4ykn+oa6bJ50duUhW1Z2zY0JiK/J2Ut t7udnMxgBVjdc5vga92GTBalCpaTUgFeZWe3/vcPy6UYJt+M+QwW4lV/fH/qcSH77ORNNvOcnGzq Wme2zh2anc2UxbVFXJ1mHzo0CcICMYjr0NHZh4Z8dHX9+vU2O8MjrrkEuUydOnLE55/fuwdYYaOx cki5gsBMkebWZW26wEyaKvbZMsZaRpMXiWF8EmDtsrdWwC21tZE+UboZoHTuact/5A6vzJUr9fWt 5bK9E27wkjCM1KWC9TZaicly922nc5MxAffzO2+8AbDkxkgr5Er76RhajRH1cjEYJqOqLMDiT8wn jPnJzbSxMRcD51usDrFqxgzEdxsb/KjTef787Lx5MTPmlZRsWrNmlvfQWbPqamJiKO47gRiwriVE h4YMAbA//3nSkHVH3z10qBbxP3zjxskU0mzWX3apxRQIbthwwYGVs9Sw/rIgSxFY5FwuK1Xa/8lX KYFAJFGSpL22+bu6rK2zEbYd4nl9UKm0h6NGRlors8+fb/up2TpX6bxBkdyvIweCBaFpLNH3g6SJ Utq27Y1iyIdgbf+TrwAryW5bl7l5lJ/f2HPnEgmVhrIoiW0elP/dgYrGZIfXO+DYrHHejKcwGg3J PHLXxNTVzZvnNLlu42iH0Fnem86efb7xOd6HJ8bFAdeMgnWHhqyDDRlyae+WLZOGDPno0LrZl2lo KNkYbgFoly9bWJzcuZNg4Sv4TFpCI2Kpz8Rt+VZt7pPMqq2USRN7FCK5TBZvKE7ampU/sctaIZNR JoH5DoPV9efbyq9W5islieeVPzUHGhvbdzVijaF/BtRhVMHLXAMkAPVQoUIOZdk2iuUUrWfNMrPL IjdEodD31HVbc3kUChKolfEPqt2QnukPUmyYri9N/hll0TCoUtcmHcysJ884azxv8uTh6J8d/tua mHl1mTEbY6IJZc1zaOujIUMI1tfrDm2BLUAKcejrdXswXm6Eti4zC3fa6d9LsFoHwqoYcj1JR1Fe dC9QKpWvn2SGFEGmbSjPJ1hpCgViu0yG6Q3BkjWm/bm8WmlkrxRHnTff0FNubJyTMxBWYORX8mzN 5g926BwWpplmgBXvYD4LsOS37dKwhWAFNl/aEJjLqq2MB88KhCwdz5y7lGZzFts2tie+LWp5UGRn XgiLXrPmrHlMzJW6OvONM4Y7hA6fGfNUdDYGIZ6iVnT08+fPr8IDh6z7GjZkyIIFC5BBTJq0bl0t UovwEoiKwwoPLymhAN/KZ9KqCY77kAk3JKWKnJW3ravFqUZG1aK2NgdDedZiX9+XpgqMhYY0QyRY 2uLGk0Xlikbbno7EqFnGOT1JxsZpOY2JVDwV6llyReSPcqHhtF9b585RJSIxPkBevqUr2RCODVjK G1tPghtVoBuzDmw5c7stNzkgAFH89clNrnlBmlJ65vFPPomJqBO9FrUczuvMmGGjDvCbYmacJS8k Qz55tq4EOjOv26hOHpxmFFC8Wvc1Fihu4gni1xRsWPfEZSNgIdu/yiaa9EQrfVzDc5WyKDONl01z GxSYeivA7GVXYHWq2H1SfhtgvRLbLja7vddUUVoaMMyK1R4Q58XKnKJyuUjaY6oUn5NP60lCELJX JuPgqdqMyqmDQ+Nud7itQmGsDvtMWMKUU67Y+y2URYWxWcqOxTnxDnBDBPVGs+Ztj20DlY2NNNlh tISJJL0qLfgqudG0Wf+4LPnNGqPDLMCieSET1uQZdXVXgMk8O3te3bzhw0eXlJQgD3sKUW1kicPz yZNXE6CvP0QdeQr0RQ5JSvuwePLGjZTjc1WRIYNviXMYzpcsstuyKyur/+J2OnDYrVv5E8YkWZ3N Ll05xrpNHmpouH2Cj8/1QdXVSrNHaUoW36PiZYqcnnJzQ/F7+oFtUVHuE5Jkye76bW3xUbQ+MWtW W9usqICcM7an9Vd2KcRRKrnxAj3H1bZ8uTIgKoqpo+PxBpEqChknnbGz08+qbszNHdtOFVia3nAN JSf7FJnJxVbOZ84kBUTxD2j4uYODR7SXF2LSpk1IDDZuhMjqZtTNQIT3j4hOOZjiZVC3JiYc2RXi EUa7yZNP3qd49bWn1rFjH3744dcU6fF635S5MaCEHUsy6ZG5IaY7Tf2wQitTq+cs8A2UBvy4/Prj rFL45vEtt9vMQ6MMuyb4VNiN8fkxcvoJXTmDpa2tVOQ4lyMRq+jxRSIpwLKWJxoiX5QnJyOtNxTn bPth8MN3TRWJHJZ6KYPDki3XV9CqEKUIHY/PyNSwjK199S8d2GDWxjJPNpFBto45JkYFn57bcnFy 2qAxtqgOcesfbgHLC+aEtAAoWCoFXuE24V/q6eXl1We2dnrVzJgMikJOarOWsWJF92Oc1aGbX0/x nvtf7wyNAycoCn8ZLsBqmEm6YsrKDq0US68/S7JOyoocPPhUl9Xw0NTArTnmIlGUxFnfyuf6D3/8 oCDNqk2khmUPWIZipVGXUpJ8fIJvY6JZc7lcLJZmdd27Z79B/1vLxrQFE0y/0lXIxVRrFqxfWaIe fYVMgCV93MVgCXO8ZGXW8uuLzySZmyeiZIi5OGDhLRSsdY3KjRNzb58Z04XM9LWQhZcXmnjOSbph sJ7aYAb4ZWwI1hHnBxt0zj24Z3K4MN2BsmoZoA8hLAbrawyKU9Lrh2KxYOjQd+LiwjNL/Ev8/Zkb IsAfZF54VlJJE2nR7esTTO33Tpp0afEEZ91Ucami62W5TCSy6tkgk05orrjVqBQJh0zKcna2hrLk aUblosYsguWzHL/16g0/DIb9/veD/1htpp+kDEjGLCnxrbD22isBix2xChay2dzzUVF+yY3Wto+3 bOkKbEQCDFHxyTSUZVZgnXvOoa3rzJkKXlHUNAeHC01Nat2A1eXLk8P9VwcFJSS0lJVlYN2+ATqB B7JBAO+vpnGQK+tD9nTduikN3u+8887MmTPfaa2xQaJfsmePv/8eC8Cq14QVKvP9ZpuRc5eZbqC1 bdFX1aWlytsv05SAVWQKWGOqxdVKjAds0Vpbu9Ha2d5aHh+vrHhpplBivExOtFruqxQr9RdMGLR9 wu8HDTKtrlieFGBoKAMRNSwcm+qV6Dt74ijAOsNiFkPi5xcVlYx6rG3P9eYsJXCqYeXKsyLNHdoT jW/b27srWaFBw/CPXIgTCjMUlHbuvOoS9CLoBdWYi7vR7JFe35BJskNuHh5DwFZzZalZQVyFJiZh YZ31DQYHD+7JpInk0xmZVVVVtJbYuYYrC6ZdKTP9YVA5lc+VysCerg4rkcj6npFUJrv90rRU2txc PUykxBIEMyhLCWUBlkxWlANYE5AzKZxN4YZW5VJlcvne7W2NsnIjXcDC+Kle7VeFLnqcd0lf0chW zRITqx+fZrBUta/ERGQOjbcH2W3dLm2kJWiBiXFapLk2FpWsc5xzyjGjYmOvBq81Xl7Pn7MyFnjs 3Om/1oWqVxjUIvTK0sM8Deo76Q36y2Y0IV+v27ePwWIBngwvPIMNvJDeO/nviYi4Sz5YVbWHYNVz WERLO1Sx4ZSvQlJJSxZtXfr50tJSmdlKd5k062WFSKE/wep1WDnW5vEO2cZpReVKswnbAwyVSBgl UVFYATKUp0VKEwOkRlmNHFa/G/JAz2BtaQZWCjyJ4sDHp5UqWKQueTLcL1mpsH1sNygwIMqP6w8z zpwcTCEwMc1ydjYzV00WVLQcHIZ7YOpHIYsh2Vmy1t8CrHbu3OgfVpZeP64huJ4l53yEC4+4+fXX UzZvngJQZCpYx461WPj7u7hAUHtgd8kIVoOHAItm0tLmU0mpr15JJIaG5re32naUlkoURpHViq6i eRLlma0+cKgoPuwjz0LMysFQiZhbPtEUbrg9IKrR3l4hSkxEzhpvXF6kKw9QONsraalfpcf+GE/P rPZuDVTy1X5xx+PTSGiRlLLjptIMrfTnyttsHz+2hZ5VsNqcj5ub02Lbbfs5plSUZUtx3Og714z2 aI3jRmP/VUR3bhGF6RjQgoNN9vC8iexqxM0Pv56ybx8T1ABYi1z8LVBRBa2qEkR4MMOCxTiTCxwW TFu745kdYElEIkPDbOvmDRWiylSl6UrLNn1nq+HKri0+hiKltrYDddoQLKVzjsI8VPucyNi5JzDL zhbKMnW2kouR9AcEtFnrI1lVdPVI5Uj4cdzU7z5AXsizmq/fxmok5bCJFUASz2HRYiEf6IxRq5cO +u8xgYnoBsHrc+fl1s22SYGYi0mTfnp8Zp4mLPbl50c3tV64EJ1JY37mnj28royBceOeFuojykhH avllSYmFkA+Exx47xuRErPBzChm133ZDS/6MFWDBLBDg0V85mpMSiXCmofvgMUmVlSLrNu39Dtb6 eyvmVVYqklaelO7tkgHWtq+Gidq0tVkZGrAalc73FDTvyTY3+87WlsEyK/JhAd0QWO2PyMRK271m KMhDGdqvgXKYle1gPmibWSOKh7DkHx/7ylTK4tNCtkbmt1+c9fixL/JPzKPOacvlUv3m63sPGBnN mXPq1OOvsrO5J6p05XAesmoafcGr92BVZlzc5MlUWKCBz6bYE201nmCVfmxKhJCWYxLjH/vhsQ/X 3QQrUJvC/DBjHGBlzKWgTj7InZC7YXoNXzmUSM6elUUO6SpPTSUY8XLp9uk58MPSauci3y2npSKl 6QJb1N6zJfHZmGbBZ2WNUyOlbdkOoXKlomf5oGdZ8nix1Qh35bBP0JMWL1Pm3FPI5OVF9ijjyaOo ScmQVm9pkVpl8qwFG6yxPOQ3dqx51+J89JCiEohQhXydZeyANXZscseYx774gigSYHJjh/6YbQt2 ubm5DR78vZ17tQgq5/LiX3r+gldKU9zQ0R5/a2oa+vw5Rr3JNpgtzpjcTc18JC30QLYgaJWU0LoF FnsSptysLXh0EwF+CkIX0aL9tLyr7jJUzCJg6MnVEmChonz2rGJnwVcikhhMpLxx4FJWh1Vqdda2 x9u2K0oVWbv2nvbtwNQQhQhm8p0rbysUDqEo1hy/ZPfMTOlwXlTwl0DRq1diWbVSGXkPJQt52kT7 2218NVtspVvhQ0moGlbHASwPyaL2++Vaj1nuIw6gYfg8NT7wc1Ro2pTcGHimx2wWYKHul5gckL/c Nysry9TUXn/Cli32gahOxhMt9S/AY/To0a2tf2ttHf3OwbiSEqTvTkRrYyFTRgZOzH/gqUcBnibH /mv9/a9OuekfdH+JKmIxh4S0DKru3o3QYLWHOuPTNzFlVeL3Dk7zULE660Bz61KFIu1hjq5Vamng d4O3mFWnBpQ7L1iwpcg5J839K7MK3Y6OwLb1R7OwSE+wpFu/f3a7TSaSu382iKce1u4fuSsDxHJp zkt8xl0XgSYw0LZZ/zZq9OojU9oP1g80l4c6GCc9tq8WJytzcuSYpUNfvH/JuL09WZmv32xmrk09 Tai8Y5J9W6lUIGbh23qW5yvF8bzdQvWdo1NSWrlBXBZXUekMv0oxq5tgBXcGk2wMYhDbGSxYwpRj s19Q3sDHQpajgov3XbWySFcRBMvT8zmHhTEQsGCqhq1SZXnkPXfLW6XKLjejQCuJWFbubm+v39xc VGRURNZjdjuyQpkdqq0tVyhNB2/zVSiy5VKj6T1nbG1P2xdNdC7HQChqbDPLwUJjT48+bMK2ntus FiZY4+2eBWNuK4yNrU9/dxz9AaLZ90WqbIBiPDSW3KG/9adyebYSrV87xiY2ZumXB4hE+KMwL3ee s10hE9xQ+MbzKTPjKPtG/j109IVNJf4bLS1rkKqHd1NjO1wQXdyed8MBia0fIi7lwflC1IkDJjxT KOvy9B7IitwQsKIZLKwZVoJWtlwST05IJ+RLlD7vvfcUsMpz1luVSlJFjcipA5OS4AamXfa7X7o5 3yhXyFh/pUxWPmdiRZtcLlKWp/VsJXNOw5vUdSNX4kO3fW1t3dNMTU3NFKgdqi1AmdS8beuGrCz7 vfYdCFmi9eulShElBsksuqHBySpna7OtFE0WUvNPMSbK3fUV2vRPohnjbNqcDeVKMavMqlz705TM uJkzDx4ErYMzmy5cuNvXkhC+adPGEiYp8PJc4dkXUeW/h7Hq7a2qcj2GEK9Os6bQiAhYWq7MB5mo uDFYMf2wKBkVFi7o/0cU8JXN01upcEiFjlhEfUhiGcpb1uQDHR0V09wD4bTi+MpESYBMqesupSES 3RDSwNu+t29jLJAHJGMdCGmWEp9SKjFsINBhYagfVlRAW9KZvZd27dq1soKqsHLo5+nU9VZKJcgF YCYlDzTdO+F0ksJQZutcgczLwdzUvg1dbWh8w7foNjfnY/SAqbuGz6dkMl1xK6mJaUGkKeyu72Th nYK0ltaiiD0CLAxymQl9vObA54aABevrW5RApAiWChiLeXEDznXS6NWiKG+lo8N8U0I+SgMai+60 hf2gYZM37tK6tYSWflgkp+gvxBFqbGZNWjSgRUEu+zVg+UXJ26zzu5ydp1VI4X8sXK1/d1dRV76U 4p4i0Ex/b/PpJGtZlM+lo5ZovJWb23e18YoYug+tz2zNwkpcNj4p0DqP1AGtIO/MpJnwOygbRHdS usBOXPL0LKzHSNjSwkRD7VsWBMuVTXT4dOdDjIgI8FO+vIu0ISFiLYPFx8MEFuAzubJU7TP9jW2A FUBI+DsyWWgoUgIkBZrGrqDBev0o1GkzMmj8FzYxCfFtUaoQrJk60HtodYNyMSiwdAnJg5XtmQl7 F+sPosCnv3fLGN+kNrk4yrKoQKe9fZaxtZEpFiIZLsA6PcHdiprF1LAwkY5OQWV9qGAxzw2Qtgu0 tOozu7Xy/OnQ+7MCfz2BFU8d8GPKlH0RVRDfWg0f5G6oNe5gNtY9hFajN9q0oCCZChZmZKQtwTB8 GhqqlMSmP4IRrP4ueRUuvsbBoos6c3BwGDsWH6I2EmEZ+3x8cmOjuXWS7ZmevWTL7bPQWIGm3vPm uvNQuEGBZmIWqrC8TdqhbXtPGq9y8zZ8yrM8LvyNmYfH6FZ6aIKwYMwBO0tajuWxSKSGZYGslBvB 4nn8h1Pgg5oeqBoNtTwjGKzhA1YP1dCYR0En2dnkXUKfKb/Sjzry0OyHwdKI3OwpOwB+ZOfOUWJK y0IaYyF2mXUuCm3y3GMhEOzPMlO5olw3K8s3qVyqUCA7P+dAGReyL/O2ron5jVxYJC3f5TlWNDlF YZamR/SPXlBlDjx/+FtKBoOFxnZcICWz/hhTlhoY8qxYTkgIXECGM+0JVslVf7UPsgBPQS9PBYt5 o8rgHTSnASUWlugHb49khr3YI2OiPidDtUnYiRPEF/GOb/I52p3aTwVzMDdGDy9NzWdpM6aJiThL ACk8b+xF3xIGEPJtavjFng7m1ssP3FCqi9PmSbun+iAtdBDmkg4ABjdMSRGcENGrSVAWTWE880rq jyUAFkFgICL2rA16Qo63bh0L8xSvlixZMhts7vpfvrpWM4cHLGjzrI7KD1WkEKl+NGs7i9NhKiXZ QENh6VW8SAQ3jM8mEeA8SJWMBL2Ym8tYaCdCqp5BoKJfNuWTtNRqbA506DIxZD7DBgDuTcJ8RZVb qqPg60rFftIRf8Qat3AOuoND4LdGugoxBlhhCQSwWmOGDmUh6x2BWDAmwDgFGofaUHW30zOBT/jU 9uTrKTdvrlu3j2B9vRmV0s2bJ60KiogwMIiIWLvWhYtLpSyteuaF6v5IiaSyUinTOXEpSY5oPkyE JWjmgqkSuRiVG0Mk7A6haAuhI0GHDYnHvBytbUqWVLF6RP9BQmPZhlxQ7ZCXdhTUogGLzl+hU1g0 gVFNg6LQ66ToWwKU0iORqPipSjLyQHujfCxm9sNycGht8gIlpiluDSzBAivP3gtN3ukGLDOPiGDt 7mtdYimvomKpJ4OFnPTdSR8desTzBSFy8RfkhloNOnA/TVyvXmEInOpmK6t0EGGKh8IvzX0CkCxQ 6pOYCOHgGmUMFvM0Wfm9j7KkmHewKh9tVBsSLPTgRMFf9+8HLHIk8/731QuIr4FB2EqmNUFNIzEi w1fO05UiqxXqV3Jpl5GZIgCLb+fUJyu0go9qLGSw6lWwWrxaL2RmGNxVQQCAoGsffnjz5hQqvFPq cOcmYB19993NOI2FAQLPoAR1UgpYLXUMVb+4DIcjk/L5c5csVKZQdpz8Kju+tFTR0VFNAzyyTAeZ uTFWfNQDoFhpNn3I8hvwBta6pXmEOhW2P+Unv0LXkvb+RKWuDnRpbj52LNuFBR7V1GaAkCjEv6ks 9iGW1tI/IZRNFceNsqwR1s4Jy+B4h2AxU8nLm0VmHGh908ymFO+4gxSQhIlf0JJjd3ifwzpKSVGq wY/7m999BFoFLtQkHhQBT2Qi45naFYGVyhUr42WlAdIeZ6VM0WG68uHOZImkOt/IWaGwjDTDbC9e 9lUOuq6YA8Iw1TGd/swtSyHRgEVDI7Q344/fDNYvjSJYUY1ZL4+IUUMFLKLFP8w76RkHIXujACYE vzdCFo0lPC6SUY1Z6V7kXk7zJ01YXl4qWPTkOVtpYEWXppkzvZr+ltJUlcACPKyAllj5uirV/26G 3IG8EOFfFqG/NAhGDfUuHBex8iyseU1ZldqAVb7lUoeifI7bLne0TEqqcwZjHWb9EHupGOuEaYdy 2qiBkplEFqj/bPv1OVJMZJCM8gOhN0Ll8q/c7B4v+JFG0bGSDXaDjWRYeTX389NG7cUBJ2jguA0T AQnD3/79alicCP+eWUDicJ7AsJeYMArZlOCHyorINKlyANUUgVUTPRKtmZg5Y06opTUXST3mi15L lzrdzcsj71pbu2rzus04qw6wKNW6E0LTwn2zD710Bi2QioC4EOw1YG16HVYlRsOOZwvyG4122eJc CZx0oTzudkYx7OkufWuxoURZManHug2THwx7mG8rbhx4lj/okplSpMrlOaxsY/OKBT/5XopEq65S /tX333/fLJXhlINXUBayiURDyiUbk5XIqhy0o+CR8QQuHskcWGnELO6qNKfhM8D+5WdIS/HVV20D MrfzrUgdsCbd5IV8C6n886HPw5DDA1b6QcyvYZlxm65EZ0bkUS716OjNJatXzw5Zsu8m7M6dfSw9 vbnuXeeelyNqyQuDgiLwA8+4stKjVbCEuIXGUpEo8NnWQNNdxxUKaWkiyhHSvWOqh1ntndAmMZQo pEaXktokr15pmzNYgSufJSUd6LGWSTBp7lcWwpPZNxukOUfNlFaNSvvv/+NPzYEyn6/MQ/ePzTbX tUoWJ0uz7PX17btsu8ww0W5rEzFXRGBiwyFXVi6DxHHRDxbp1IsT6Ga1Rh1WrSx6D/UsMi+vlAse F8g8qmjC46kVJmhuZmbvRojLH8dvMXvdkoUoPkREvHgR5JIQi3Q0hPFa9xGURbA0jMHy3Ji9Zo06 bCFwEaxh0sWLN7gtl1ZXm59FX4iO0v5x9athzXZJEkOMjF27fAmWA4clNZroq9xwydecpKWGReeo uH9jWl09cblU1Bj43Xen7ZZbySoelcujDHGOQUFjY7XztsGn7OxOnVpg39ZWXt5mTNkvfb7fD/tB 5eZS3NdYIxT8VJ0aq4i1Uq8DLMUr5coVRuv5OC1SljfVUFFEbR29FAunNTVOVQkJm2+ecHHBSVHc 0RLyVr+wyNu3D5WHmx8VrMVASMpivPDAQ194tg5LS1WGFQvRsMDFgwf/JQmT6LNnHVBElR2/bvXJ sNPfnA54JaquztrVpYxnsBDPFFLniWbK21vt21haqopZiVBW2jdZ4gDTbccDhpluM02aE1kqrjjq jjHCuK3nI6vqrAXf2Jt1dKBIPG9We11Bjjk7+4X4qDKHWbPOfjqLFJU766yYTsNTr6gKaHDmI3J7 1byQbUxpGk28mrAURp5IFoYZ8DitzgtXapgthXnFxNREVxXvC6kNErwMJ5NRjAoKCoFLzq6tRQ4G QoAF0TFgHFYmYOmkwjSADZPOGfzNGCq6GVIaLxabXfd59er2KX3ZMPho+cQea1TamRvGy6S7i24E Bv5kl0RBX8Uq1AG1L+dt+fGp0q1zqjuePfMpL8rREVuhTzBR27zN7I9mjT+6La5OxMS5Mffcq/3D X6KpAoVEfgKjpXt5IxCYp9knUbovxxJbjpSNm3yqqcqq6DRRWkfTqOunxGHhkIuLBkXSmAFd/kOr vhXlCApkgp/GxCXoPYnNyxPiN4VyyqnWXsNouNBF0BM2EUQes+hrShCzcCUFDQOfavsfvv/+v3+6 0Yg0XqKoHlZx3cwwNHDrgRsi2dn4UudtSdaGn1RS+iBWBB5o9s2/sf33g6yz6UxEbMKqI7UTSpdP LBdJZGnXbU//YJqt03NGkR2f04zFNPPs6oldCp2VW0sNJWJUiGguoL8rX0kVM4Jl7jz4NPUJlF// /j/Moj5JVNz+7+9PZbFz1untAaPf6y9Ge2EljEI8seIOeZAl351eGlXBTFg9LsNSUqJXHxb2ZQKQ MAOw1UePjvyYYBFFIX1gyoI+09Pnnj07ABVeECy7xz/8cP2nfOrSQkaff/14fKi1/vQKkQhrjO4L TltLPjEEmVCZdPuCBde3zpnzwylfOYeVzWClDgvcWmQtSg0I3Lr48fWOgNKeQcrsxJNbpdoO5qEy I/3qZPcFtkqUnisNscX8uFsWZkyYucDXzNOQqSCDBazvl0teiQP1f/j9qdNKsTaucvFzrFSNTK2A 1KqmxbLTpmDQCkYtkDfHsDERFoYL0DQ9N/Du1IuFvIgHndMZFHR02fu1tTxvJ2R8zsNgpReOwwWW B8AqLU2tTFXkPEM/2bNn+r6BVlg8VNx4lhYaar1hyI8yLMeK8heMsZbADVF+kHWYom/10nSs43WJ aBKNPyxTrxR3fOdsLU4VYcHDTV8aINI/rRQlp20pR+gPbZw2Ryq22rrttDVa/7Cu1NbWsctegSkT C/HGZugYiX91zvrZ73//jXtywO0F15tPbWB9b1DW24UlZF6hKU1eCFZCFh+HevzMOK96eFBY00GG ihmxmtsZ1mBi0NQUt7HK29u7f9gLWrbsYxUsmkRbUFEVHSLkhunp3msGKgts0AI4bW9+x7fXr9uN 8ZVCXIrAxTmi4YrjbmmoBSKx2Ls4UEwxKztbEdh16afttse/1d9rZEUVfBWs+ACzbWltyMsU+buG dEllIrRki5LXb9E1x1p0QNZEn9SA2z1uRWkVbOkMY+oBrHGBFjLR3EA0QSS/OtfW/P3jP+krldu/ 0d9upy+l8NUfr15jplqTTomOVk14qN8hE2kops+e6WFsEWNmJlcVVnXm0tUvvHszm2IyI7w7O7kX ki0bWRDExseEIJbnuwgTaVYq/fJNWKmp1WkH8qXSrq2nHg/KL0WiZT3hnmy46PZn0xQSSapYqn8p X1xZibM3xSKF6YF8rON1BHYVVch4eZCUlR0fsH2BGWI2OuLSjH6UyqwQs0Ri9y35qEQkiisuVaRK 2srTVu7atdfeDBX36mkPseDNzujAEvfy724nv9JuG/R985hT+eZjTh3Pt+vBqY28kvU/xazQaOSj LLTz5pCSg5leM/MKC03CqoSQz7dDXAb1JsH13nd745qgLVfXTugLAsvLuzjSwoVjey3PIlh6Hq+7 YWlqqsL9pVl1aYft1lPNaTpYrbZuNlJKJB0HlitT41PjS6e5HcdwGKpdGV+qeG9lh1RUWi3VLUpT 0LI+TvCh5F7SaHodJ+HROll1tZWVTLb8jFIsztqGddlshKGt7pWGWBySmtn3TNxlhKrF8SHLBVjn xUr7S77JlYD1zWPfU87Wixd3BE6Y0yFj8+f+srTgeXwqRIYNoSkxwlDIdJVZUmWABRyTwoYWeJyQ gvHoTytmWHWGlWTGlRi41neS5UW03Am5dq24mMcwhC4eyBLy2Gjo2fIaLJEIIUxxHO18w4Z1ZD2b bl9xCxMe/SLrs6nlc54FikpLh+kcd7NXGFJnZXxqdeT7GPMkklKrSOcOGbiqYMm67HyQeCHvoEq+ zGr5IIUErmna1iZ+JZFOyCGMMlljo9LMfsuWM0n5uybexnBJMQtnFONEFYm2sa3b46RmpLNjqqub 53SglYtOME/UhEPANOWmgkXamkljXmaVQYJeenp3Qy/g9Ve5GCzIi/XJGByMizvo7aqnpwdchajV FEJmTFbkmYBFzzis7jrNmMWXJ0qlthPdFRJyx4krTXVFa2T2E8uzU62W/ykJ5RmRVdaCZqnoFmEV SUeMUIiQi0kkaUVZgIUWcaas1OoNdj4or/LVITwuP1ONfO2UPWoqr4ZZNzuLUY0wx/TAMMD8dvO2 n/Ln7KpQItMiWMk4X0wRqm1cMf1ZoO2uxX86o5COmaOLsxwHwlLVtbjEGMNQVQZP02gvdIRuDO/N a/Dsc63K7EVbDfUfMYFxP6VIX3XwrsHdqplNcVWd9Z319fWYS+OCRt4GBnmYF7LIReoS8izUaLLV oyFHVVlZKvW9lEPh6ZbPtOmLT0tLRd9OMgMs/e8RWKytqn3/9KckRGVYo/tD50AwqqyMr5jTpXj1 ylylrOqf7HwkpCma8gFWD8HKt9Mvl8W/GqbQ75FhgHDA9MAw26otqWfbaftJFQE4AY064QKSrv+k EGtn6353vaNjzjffdCmlP81hEZGvgqgCff9UUQ1rNEvbU1qjm7xGX6CTy2Ni4koSOhMyM4kTtTLj p8oo4mcCF/zxIJRooNegF4YLHFHLUUOLHqL8Hn+LCFZ74EthyLRq1LBUrCpLrX0XOEtTJZW3SvMn fLM4XySaRrCqB31vZxTp/N60DXbfN6e5oz9EV5rjtt1aCb6VlVJ9/XJSFrqzqA6v0Oew2AK/yOrH S2eUwwICH2+tEBGsMT0K1PLHjsWp62fPBsR/dWrM6YlfYdDASog2Tj7eizPytLWr51zvaDT94ZSp UrGhp0JJi7oCLI04PyB0hQqwkKY3eV25UsPOZwIynIGylM5uoqmOOr1HgYuqNjjfBLjm9no1ZVZ9 2dLSnY4LTmL81MNMB9EqCJ5YDG4Mlmf6UIc1grTUK62lCt2jBeUKTIBKpaYL3GwVVhU28ySppRU9 0w/x5qjBgxdsbaZmjw2mHQoRqvOS0kD7Hl2aTVKUR5xS6G97SvGKrXeIrNIQ5rDRfgsmUYaJ1c5G 5UolmkpgqP9XSv/7se2u40qJIVvIHVZthAJZqKFouV1+Y8WBbwZZK7vQOo7eFT5/NKblbWOcvIIs lS68kYw1i0TyQ7mEZn5LgaqmJjoG02VGi50CRtS4sec4EUM1JYpjwe3g3UwvEDbARePD0K3c2VmM gEXRnRlLSslmDr8ljIcCLGRaonkuJ6WUYUmsyiM/whUtkKoihIl83N27ftJfPue777YuXrz48bNt bvY3pCKk/OgXtM55adaGMBYaisMXKfOLJs1QL62JlFm79ANFqbKsLT1ZSjTBROIkKWRYgIt6GRZP TzWfdjNFqR8T9FfDhim/nRgIWMP0/+TbmHpk8GNpY9oEX9krrIujw+ipuy/Of0FlH+tn59rPOaBV IN6wHet1mAqVLkVxTzDQemrJ4ERHbxLOqxNg8dPCYDx0CZlqJqpgTXc7u7vr64tpAoTpDkJ7UG1t LQTGleWZOVylrNRUlbZKS5/6SKlIKim1NnP3wXhG4IAOjTQdHR1mWb6+vlnbN2z41ui4VMpjuKI8 7V134gtYw4eLUMW8Z4nN1I8DU5odetlROkwi7bmkn4/2rZ6eQLN77gwYXpkVTd8+yE0/0BoNJCxH 3XApH4WNAPtTvo1i3a3N0gD3ZlsVrK9eftOFoql9F64nUceqOKmJ8bScIVLKdbzi+CkWXqjDNGXG qITEdYW2thkziBe7TgZjxVMypi201GQCtVdvp6Oeq96XX/KpDrECLcENtQ4OX/MmLRFShFKiIFKU l+MpGpdhqTqlODXMClZdjWaaGzdu6PooFJguhlLi+lWBO7J/nNhC5XyRVUV5qUCKvsZnRIFPauUt pVmP25ys27bXxyTlPJzo3GVrZmZma98z6UjgcTe35fZdp0/b4heRNGiBrSLeMGDDApy+qUxKEgWY PT6tQElbCWUpi763K5dLt+3FeZFDcrBmjaq9SNSocC+okJcSBaorRBOIjRu5BzI20bhyAYg9vQIT tlACyyv2Qg7bW5WZsvRKSlVYC0sjWE5PSzy4bhJXltbcNRqw1NqSgBWTDPoB56XiFfNDSamODg2S FORoB2zmC9mApZRWzBPFEyymJ1XDJXNFdJboWlIhSKTIt7+0YMuWb7ZLddfb67O2uKIi5+NWCt2c l7u+o9auvXt3/bTBrQtTpcYcN1MZmu+VEnH+40HVaF7C6RYou/6HnX6b4vHWGz8twCVekkWWuQFY kFTkDImUWtlEwwlVZSsq83mRxuhEiWicDoZIz89xorOfcToUMi+WfAnN4Egueu824dNOEXrdesWu rq7FPNGCcS/0nIsSzYAaDfdFJifCU1qqcxgFQaDiRiMfS6zUXivgkCGysbV+wKJmW+6erDsuNJVa lAwr41NRPMx3vuTWc1taHaC4kZ9vdvx4VgXGCAR/3XwyW9MuI3t7NzohoRFrI6iQKoAof7G+D8Gi di/b3w+ak9XYfL2j2c7a9oCPT60lJuIK5fFDkeVSG3JAkhYFLkFR6genaFWQr6lhpUCC+fy5IC6m sPBwg5JoDKNxxUxbnRS8WBIvwPLWFBbDwWlBBuxwaWZdyd2QbEBRFWN9fxBX9ydhr9cacoTPUsey BFMjs2k/VpPMKIevJivNzgYt9hRWHphldNwaJw353PtRHI/mlPjEii17LeMb6cJUycn5fzptatQx 5tmNDdeTfL/TVbpcbbM9YGqd9TJNKrVxIikxVCpYXtFLo0le0ZuinWI4JLBSm+brmpqUJnQyY03j Sk1JvV59pzebX5MjMjdMD/b26A9ZXDsqLniEhBis/k0cFj+HhW9nbtZvlDq8buxdvtHQEP3iVqmG uGYmrtuq+hg658iwZRg9+kBsEKrCCpLDnCk+0fJSj48hlEWl63K7QYrIb5vtbuRfOnPmQIdy/Ygk /SEHkvKXmyrmbWRY1CMisggvCI07Y/RSryYK+SpYwtP+BwpllJdtnEyq6zXoDAuDJxYjlxdiVkbY XI9UHoQ0TH3orNVUaGjjGwFJVYPWRNT/nPvdQOOoWE8Ob/WFIyNnMOTLhUjjsZjN/BawrOh/xkeq wPozcaNLUYnFOl22pTgbger8ydZ2zcqKET887lA4u7k5Sxt9Jp1Z/N0l2xs9ptY+ccwHhePnKRfq pqBHiRUk1tS0Sa2qfkoQkpCDseHzypXouKZorzhcTlKvM6+4uFhwQ63gegT4W9w4LRasBLfjfblC oKdwrjImLw2M/Tuh0KB2wn49sfZ63sCEdR+aEiUat6F8xUhwZNRHGoAUpNrq1q1Sq2p8DxMbzZew SiaVSl7J6Pz/5Nxyu+XSxmk//He+XLeoB6345StP2W2foL+957jUspdPmGNY0ikEK4aMPSc386LA xZ2QuePr+kJyAZ6bovGJmJgS73qwIldk7ajpLQYYDTkvQVoaTOho6f+Y66YfIsfBDmagvPhrVatX v/cx3+yHRc027BIRYnPIhXXbihmsABEmnPTviDCikgdSxCJYCoXkFd7D0myutb69lUIxxi5fLrcu b7MSVZtuGRNo+t13Pb5tPuE0XwYtVX6Ox7hMGu54gkB/cVUHIdCrePUHsCs1lk9nzOAgocvW1rgE ckSYkMHXM1geHoK8bunoqGi93c3eGo/e3PX13ejAQYtJqd84ITL1NuZ8LFRpGndBgqdUlvtYyeRS XSvqlaORQaSri9Pbi+yzyit27iQozOOYQ0JSTU0prXzllcuLDX5U9qJLO2zi8IQqGMU6PjVqbb3g lUkfizPo7ASvawKsBo/hOnW36ur4iphmFvE6AY3j5wURtb0V60Bcb4H0Gg/qZEAmLuacBIbJlKKr dhSVou+Jv1BtTE6mzmgZECadnlRUsTNc0BV3QcaoyYsSeLBizrhpEy3rc47YQTVD5LkpEyQye0wB UmJmEqyhjFYx1bNY2SGhRsRQsdVDstfa295IBEDhrbB47CFG6rFPDextYtKQE2KRUFDAxS/IG19X FuAwwWGBg2pgauPTI8Xt7ba+vu9G+tiwEry6Jsqz+aaY5/15PEtUuTGl8R8COx7oGEAkYK2tOFnq +cE8A+/YL1WwGhKcLHWys9HVprkyrXr+5qUmCQCDpaEMBkX9+s3hUFCDpkw0dSW54AFc6i1Q0EAT 63h46GCmnJ2NtafhHj4o+udjLTs/P2u7qemGDT8145qMRvkV0nnCeoUaBxsavSihoCRCw7iPprAs Q4VMGBNIXFTJ763yGj36+d+GllQlePO5oZanyZcYGUuc6vC/x7Kn14n1Hzk7GF7VZRvVBV7NBoV+ /+RCYyZgwBR7ACIIUHh96xY9oddESThXAWGeem3Qoyku1UFI1dG5lQrRWfnobt+67Ycffjh1/fqp H77H46nvvx88eOLx6kYPL1UxlBJRzqOV0izyQf5cMO6FrEhRg2c8g8UoqmFNB72o53Jo5lw6oZxb YQjNrF8EXZ789KycnRrBziOgx2wcnYNEgs40XBYGuTN++zSs0a1cmWl2dPPMlG3mEez1iCQW46RZ CvD8PSrO0CSBxk/kUToBmFaxDQHJIp1SckRaDGB76rDvKtWxrKmrq7OyKrcOtB/8zTffnwKvH+yu nzrFnkw30kVp5AovJTARCXwo8sTERbcKZS3W/yBwY+02ggcSLrX74hMxNCJ4kR/O7TSYO1eAlb5v 4YjIyzuv1saGWPBrBMEp5XXRM6I3eWSzTg2cr4krMYY7TU4tFZWii4SERepitbt+eb3mfJqwhJ2E TnrMHilCoq0XkwU2YxjtpYMp+q1bNTV1qXiLeSHP9WjIueVxBV6oU+dV44EhPcVmclpO0fJBPzX/ ZYOp/Yauri77vyxfvvxbM1wtIJVWpL0gL9blwLVEGmr1iksZ/ZwV/ngYG2DCBtrMQhme4IPPMYqS NWFZ0ZsaCNlUet+jEZEn6eLfQScuLlmCy3zHvrCYHPEk5MvY2Lw9lydb6ohLw7E8hKsF2jz1wVW+ +k3o0+DnBahW9F5XlHp31qJGvFDq8fDAvIFGFEpZUj2WepRaeuhcwcWb6upqrujoWFoSMsby1hXk fx6Wlh4eV/CGTt2F0WgaurJzYcF7J3faWD59akn2o5lZhdXTp6k6UASK7HEpdVdonKNBj2PZhOLW pk0aWuPI1Nhobz5L0vDXFHZqS1VxsWtYvQpWSG0kLqaLq6QXFGDl+sS1a7jK/JIlFy+6uJyIBbol 11xeXHPB9TxPTv141f0Cy08/VS2raFxUQX39AQENrfBpUFUHOlq0Jq2AkA7EAmaU3124AB+jVzQm Q3NEipWIaGzWgQxpC2BBeHW3PBB2WSiOyazKzMQLwMQfHZ0ZNqmp6MEiNhS1NXL4FLhgXBPHILge uSL2qxGiPqETcAFhjdo/W59nYr7z619THy+UNb/v2sd0qe/IyBEfw0Z8fOLECVyS/0TtwoUj75+o rV2IPy646F1k5JGpkbilyIuU4biQLbsbgoawXl9X1+gCEpQmFyMQYomMDosbczGWqyDLQ+5Sh6vv wpi+hMSYaF6RkNOCFAjQ+/NEok3hT+ugzNS6mnAb9lV/++KL0a3RM+o2pXiMZgIREnD0rvF5M/6M xlMBltB3FJ3ZhC9VhyqecZAMveKiR7eS2FKez4xwBatfd/L+LNwcMqTgvUhcBd3F5fPPp17GlYdR HKTrD2OyXbsQQouNLQ4Z+fHH2DgVJEMaGvLiouuShTt50a1xVJc54dcSpT5iugA8N5VT5op1UD2k g2XDGtPPFeJFaoKk8B/5mmWNjc0V8kIIKyD1lodHTfRGzFhwCR1aMM30yixxsnn6dPJTHZwYAvg6 qA1nzqWVd29vrPptBA6aAXLXY15VUyNE9JqBZ/UAG3KKmSm8mZJNcK7g98TaBZ/HxbCW1NbnQzMN Elx/FfTBBy9wUVeClRFW31mFy7Xs8ceapD+ur0FX2Lj8q1+xq4TjOuG4nFJDQwgc8klILAwPIbhf zQv/ybfWCKMi9RXDNbWHQwetXtE6Z59irlp39ixcScav0pCcXHpFBwMdycijxgNxS+dCTTRYXSBs HgheNMXSsbxSE315zx5cnRblbyxFFRcb5KFeiemGq6ujnre3QR6KJr1xXh5o7KS4/zcPL+TXRMoA 9lvvoR4pSzXqM6xkymENNMR5wSMzcSrB6NECMF67wZUAUy5Q925r6zsHvfOCFlpYjPz1r/nZ+4CF O1J345Yiha6uLYta9IjGvn3F/hZs4WzPnuKWFhTw9Rxx+yPcXHIR3XULdwzEZRL6MjJMWhoawupZ n4C3d71JBu7QldFX1kB3venG9jw6sZbZxsxii152AS80IKC7AP0tmUuXNjUtveDhhYU7vOGfsMc/ r9i/Ny/PFZ0GtBicBwAIGAl37yZ43y3xxhWwDAw6E1zj4LuUn6R6rBk9eujM3/525n+pbOjwlCtc TqwbklpIBWPYMONrbeVVBiiHjZVevSmARXbhAv60RqPULEjw+dCDBt7eecVB1xa6fPBEi7WI4/Bg WFXs7gaG4JbCvkWQjtrCcO5nRnDLoj7PvjK6RTVIwbAnbu6juj0ePdLZ2uilM2nA/t1lRLSwrAU3 IKYvp/sxhnQv0sOa3JNFevUNYY6ejp2dBp31rga9cQeLDUqqIqAeveK7mZk10Xsu+0eQoqGtYgPc +SYsD8BcDQwaUOD19r6badALdSLPdZB4eFB72n/9VoXqt/9l4HUBoBCgedEAsBB62LEPKMTQBtaN O3q0h9ddrzWECaxGs17woVg9fI5PNc0FKgMD7xAmbVfA0hoHTnTfNna7SHQs4dYqhS0AVrhoUXc3 DhvHbGKCu5JhL/zlRw6jj9Bto5jhnrq4OBXfaGJi4tiNG1yze8uz+3XSxuBguA80Uhyxp/duZ7Be cXdDQlWvQULmQZSLElCD8upFUxkuZZIQvZRWgPPywlzzil0d6135mmcYCuIGDfVo3oB+q1K8bnnc Gh7qMXooeq5+y4x44cHbAAwoijNhLWWKoUWw/hVWFTQGZzRUdeF5r5fHaK/nrTibjDyPFPe3FCxR G5B7G6DigF+jHko0pCw6FhynwCDdxATHjgbC7pbubigJRozodpPCLnxH7nAECnqkndJBC8i6u4EL D+ze4A8YLEbRszuveI9/b5B/b0Kxo2dYZ1mZYz2k4u3a0NDgWuztrdd59y6Y1Os19bpCgGFhZY7F rvg2x+56BExX1wZULDvRudGJBPGul8Hdg2h8uWtw0ACUOCluB+sPUkFYVVcmX8PR8wIfL17BOCfu eikpo0fHHYxDKAcnhgqsvGbOrTcBKjh9PeI5Ny0QwM3W6BcPGuyogAHhC/cwBavu7rCGBqgqnWgO MJIQ7eqIw2Gywr2Y6Z659Aq3GDbBbXZNTECLfYjzWlQcYeEf7u8a1ofduR/j9kD4l5jD0kNwGHph vZuqcB84fIkj/nXXhm699JaWhjC9znoQdNVzdWWxfC7+hfq5BvX432vAEfWz+q93DLxrqH7FDRLj lISQJGQRdR4ejBaBYudxCuELoP7W2jQTXTUYWU1AqjOsW08P/zgbQQDLE7cBhLogiPTghs4Gkwa0 j8D5oBYu/5ay7no6eHgXM0Bq6C4kTeF/vhOHwQ5rBe5bDSMlljXQTazL4KK4FTj5oEC5L7bXP7zX 4smiRQj9EBz2hH5BiQzhjckVg0VVJ/4JxwxPaKpbr4X+Z3GdNPwfNaB7CnFOr6G4GEeS4WliEEbh ox6HwWAxfWFAaMjEBJrlU/BEhoyFJ8GYdJ7T9choJ+Z17EQCZkMx6syFcgHHwKDeAMv4GNn09Fw7 vyTT6jvWV5je3VLWtwgaa2hw7F7RnV6G0L6oIZZ5qmNIyKKWsJbuFoIEVC3429BQ1qDHFFVcjGVu 7NXQsGgR09cKHCCx44ePIySC5Io0fjpiiMsrDluEO54Fs+DfgNszQl6uDcx7uXPjWmBh5Nr4TZEy 9Uz+819vDBVg6bUgR2jJyyvc1+fJxjfcUrmM8gNMD2mKSFkVbrVMgR56E2zRk7ygkCd6FnlEPaGq qtgxDPICC1dGrIztXtiNONPSzfMMcrpFiwopZOeF6IVhBAkDThNHx07XMD3XMNwKzhFiQwwIbmlh Dp7uWB9WVob7nTX861n9pwpWRMSXX0a0tFwrjm0oe1K2AhfKcAzDuk9x8cLi4mvXgi6f9Le4/OJa RHEIyRESCuvESKWXF7M03MXFwuJXuDoVqke9d/1Zr6G3K0KON3ZL8E9gJX6wcXUNgTopDUE6ssgx BMu8etRH4IpLUSBmd+qR4yLPIMekjC/DuwEjDnvKRuiMfxNYmC5rXbPAkj8uLWkRG+vqreeIszP2 2PhfdnG5vNMf+Sgy+SCXcP9wy8kRuBgcXSJp48YSrJRQsWhjTFwN5icXPK4gOGzq9bp1y6tmaRN6 duIynWxsenEbONjs2bNRxVhCf6mYsWQJhBpy8eJFeu8iVIut+57gjScXr4WAWktLSIirHpGFGhdR 5E9P/zeBRW6YiZk7XYS4eJErXCksLAFzHZepaElinSPhO8Mv+9NJUxYoc5XghMa4pdG0/K2jE111 dxNmbTRPOXtlU1M0pjkXkPgOH44fNNXbGbKkdmft5vtHj27mdpTxInAw9ZOLSy6ivEEb7t/nXn8t D6eyFb+gZ7GIBSGO/wawrl0jR8zTQrsIWYTjPsxnXOGBsQkua6+G+79YjYt7vsAN7XCCWTEu8+li 4b+xpOTKLSoyZQ/fFB7DCwMo/l6Jdqoqic5+WuPhFXHXQ3ShJsLL0tIm6Bqm3/fB6uh99lPNivHq h/UQpDZv5hD5G2irjsXfhddWu6xe7XLt2r8BLB6z8rQ2bfJ39d8YEfakwVFvEa0lxmIyuHr1CwQs 6hzBqjUkhktQgllmtBPV5nTqonG9s+grNSie6uCK/iW4nu6m8E0eOnW9dzel4vyypzWTl/6K/OzE KoAiAzAIjDTVryuV0LjuOD4BGdvpxOyL92trAU4Fi4q6//mfwl9e4WWvyNRbVU/73xT2Uu3Jdubv su9jjwO3qd7s/3p1gA/314uNpbEs1hXZV3FxUBAAEaZi8kSYBW55UQLxBeEsWRsdZHjh4ZueTr4b 0TsZgWyTzpW4qoje8Lwqp3CbjRt15Fg87+11sXgBYaEkNnIkpzVyJBRGCFQGt4Th5ovLQJE0hQfa Ivjs5s33a1ctWXJi1ZJrFwVY/ZQ4ov4fquPnB9ePkPPpP3SNL3qDr3rfAd+sIszd8EuthNiEPdAT X5/GTSPJ+XijG9pGcOnYyxYul51m+JRaXkZPuIUFTmLpxWWJZ4TjdJa8iI2IWTrheREWeRH+EXm9 Nuirc8KZxwnhO4MWLpw9+wSktQrqOvFoJDzxPqFheEDpKEOjYcuWCe+rtr0LYJvXAZ/6GPsFoQlL c2u/9FTP3g5LQ1lqiar0pflrUMECqNUwrZaWu3fRrYWSCNR07Rq6toKAiMwlCOdCBQVdxtB22d/p MprmLfYkJNAJUlQ7uWwTbjFZpmMTTimES16QhUsJHixqLP0TLCwur0WplWwV7D68iUWt+6/h0GS1 ebMGStUbXJWvK4sc501lqSUlHKBaYG+4Yb/8Bri1ypt/BhZPSouRNdHdE+nUCwsEp4QgdictVPxw uVxkDuE78bDTPwhImFPuCWJnflpYvAgKB0UXC1yU/oVLeDjAuiT4zwjHpyyCFj6CcVz376+iGjUL 9EIEEzzwNW2xrQPENvLRu7A3YL3VDfuDlSoAqWOTyjt/JvhpeK6GMw7wci6s1VoREbHIDFlHTcLa k/4vgIpGPhwxck6Lq1c5I0Dxd2EXsMGZGewka9zDFDE/CBSRlLExIIGIkQtbWNSSpJisVq06Ck8E sX5hqST05iOLYZq2atm7q1b924yGX2rhfFcEq4jw3j17XILWYqXVH1GKlZIZMhw5uRlimAW7lhRd /w7IGB8W11BLRWwLQjU1yIU+afHCwmZnLeek1hJ/8vOUKI69/d2RJ078G8BaLcwNYy3C8/KC9oSX QFi1FNGZE7LL4YGBBbkfPWHFZepxRuLlH8EzViSrJKMEBDZSIe0HxKjd+59YturRiftsJKSAvgyu yP7gpTAGaqJ5lwX9t8MC8n8DWKrUgW6bTCfjk2vhkEGKDpuUdZU0xZwQyQMCeAIfJ8njMGnkMPkG 5nol4ZgdIm2YjPt6UpgaKKyRI9999/4yOCWYCBKjeESGawoJoFRb3u0XYn+A/1cyo6SR5obFsbER e9i1CwgF+8FUQpRoMGTBiVixqxtgP/ZOAjZDXkLMh8eWuFhc7k2pWzozzsnm8iOwYgkpd0biwx9X rVq2bCRnpfJToHqL8c8Rs38LZTFUGA2/LH7BBJJA+sE0gxBwBohceBbk789TLuzCDOjYHiWXwQej p78FXaXk8kanGtwMqE5n6dO6y9doIKTj5Q/q0EXuhqOnTFW99UgkdMVwjSTTAMdwjhzZH/6YXOkv 2xN2gsZcfBvf5QQldrPv38fcnZ4xY89n41oz9BOP7Ak9/ozxhIq8ThBT/wOlDkhCMfWjBS/oh4RF GRYkZvHUEroCrD00LCI5YIMf24fhcsFluCwQooDUxQLOhzkjLvpyYWm4jeXa2SxtQEL6qPaRcLBC vGdH9egRj2VMONMK8OwNbTG+nAHn049etRXbidWj2p0F/Zv470AAooIlMBKI/Y+wBFIcFQOrAe1L rVgEqxfXYq/R+SkqUSGGu7jsDCdoFK74A+Y/5IecKpcaICKl94/GHd3Aip2LIcG8PHZhAc+xcDQa rPghLeNxnhueIYgJIYsT0zzw9x8xKeFbhG969KgfoPAPPML0AMZlLARKvCAyamVxfc2e/YLk9XfD +vLL2fijqTCt2GvFmOTHvoC7QSK4OQYbEEky2EL+Rpk9DXwc0wsWwyxK/LGgtbEkYk9JVW+NJVaY 0XPAOxdENqgVECv2a8fBqRyJ/JEdar8LEjaW1wOXsHUVppHs4FWuJjjbCU7kBL4ZshXQCL4GRtxB 4YNqYQl8uN+pXuAVbYA3vsUNGRbug6Qs/lNDW7Nna5GsYmMhFYJFcxxhVkic2KQHU2oaLrHouQcJ PkkKwqPzhXCLNur1Ra9cNAo1OtFOmFRvXLr08ovVq2trCwr4kfBjVEUtrgtyw/5EgXscSzPYuwNh MeIaUPivgP8u1Jv5VEHFigctDUIAI+iDEHFYP0dLSBLeFrRoNERRJraYhXOSlQtKMzBWl8F15Rka lP4QqNjgB1fEudV7cAbt07rocK861LRwIoIX9SrQepNHTVNTxAuQKqiFe0ABUAJ5iCas+yMfYUwc CGskxWkhaHPAPICfwBsDoahhCbRUr8nhVf+KytF+hsrfAYsUxgfA/kAPl9RCnYH8i+UHLDVYTWsU C4XE4QW9gaJWMSVZVLfBoOnvv5NaFakDSMfjbGpNtNDmHFrXtBT9U8ji16oOESGeogyEw1Infjgj RyJx4EISDo/20oAlCLKfXv/YypxQFa36nZ39ewNhMWW9fcz7uXcEPIyQIEa1JnmeFYLQTlkVZQWs C2Q1iuSxL9iIWEyfofSKziDjwR27XnZ6+hSVPiCi7mG6eG4ou1SZR82t4bckVzB6YrbzqJZH2xOP gIpgcaOQDo/TjGPMCVXDPw/TH3/cry7BKwX/JbXxkUOw/meP3nRDwdteZ8ayiLeQ1IT1RuZAG/4v vsj3c6MtAKkAAAAASUVORK5CYIJ= Associated Press Photo cited in National Asian Pacific American Legal Consortium, “Backlash: When America Turned on Its Own, p.6)9-11 attacks have been followed by dramatic increases in anti-Muslim hate crimes: CAIR (Council on American-Islamic Relations) has reported that there has been a 64% year-over-year increase in complaints since 9-11. A dozen murders have been reported, including a handful of incidents in which the victims were simply mistaken for Muslims and Arabs because of their appearance. Sikhs, Hindus, Arab Christians have all paid the price. Attacks on mosques, ‘random’ security checks at airports and other public places, cursing, spitting at hijab-wearing-women, threats to rape and snatch off scarves from women, physical assault like hitting with sticks, vandalizing of cars and shops, setting stores on fire, bomb threats, and openly harassing comments at work (e.g., a woman was called Mrs. Taliban while another was told by a New York judge, while she was contesting a traffic ticket ‘you can afford to bankroll terrorists but not pay a traffic ticket?’). American Muslims often become the target of government’s mandate to be on heightened alert: Muslims are ‘visually rounded up, stared down, watched, hounded and monitored by a group of citizens who understand themselves as foot soldiers in the war against terrorism’ (Goldberg et al, 2002; p271). “Tips” from overzealous patriotic neighbours have gotten innocent people incarcerated without habeas corpus and in some cases, deported without due process. One such instance involved two British children of Pakistani descent, aged 11 and 13. 6.4Reactions from the Pakistani-American and Muslim community 6.4.1MobilizedAmerican Muslims knew that in the post September 11 environment, their loyalty to America would be called into question. They were galvanized into action: they condemned the attack vociferously, made good will gestures, reached out to other religious communities, gave blood, attended funerals. Nationally known and respected Islamic religious leaders took to the airwaves and print media to communicate the peaceful and tolerant nature of Islam and to assert the stand of the American Muslim community: that the 9-11 attacks violate Islamic teachings. American Muslims endorsed the need for a military campaign overseas as well as a domestic law enforcement effort to bring the perpetrators of the 9-11 attacks to justice. National Muslim organizations urged the American Muslim community to be vigilant in sharing any information about suspected terrorists, and to serve in law enforcement. “The American Muslims’ outreach to the rest of the country has been noteworthy for its unusual degree of openness,” observed the Los Angeles Times on September 30, 2001. 6.4.2WithdrawnSome Pakistani-Americans chose to blend in rather than ‘make waves’. They changed their own names and are also naming their children Anglo-names. An interviewee has changed the spelling of his last name, Khan to Kahn. A couple has named their daughter ‘Natasha’ while another has named theirs ‘Sarah’, - names that could cross over and between the two cultures and religions easily. 6.5A discussion of the Results of the QuestionnaireThrough my questionnaire, I wanted to establish whether Pakistani-Americans weighed identity towards: assimilation (identify as Pakistani-Americans), ethnicization (American Muslims), harboured ‘myth of return’ nationalism (identify as Pakistanis) or remained ethnically divided (identify as Punjabis). I was also studying the impact of September 11, 2001 and whether this latest Othering process has further alienated and marginalized the community. The results from my survey found that most respondents identified themselves as Pakistanis, and half further checked off the Pakistani-Americans and American Muslims category; however, given the backlash, most did not want to be identified as Muslims by Americans. Most felt that the bond amongst Muslims had been strengthened post 9-11. September 11 has also reinforced the community’s ethno-religious self-consciousness and many are fearful of their future in the US. I encountered significant suspicion from individuals who seemed convinced that I was working for the FBI. I received several emails to this effect and also some hate mail from Indian Americans. The hate mail was helpful in strengthening my thesis regarding the ‘Desi’ identity. The participants in the survey were almost evenly split between men and women, largely between the ages 24 through 45, with one 70-year-old gentleman. Most participants have post-graduate degrees, were employed in white-collar jobs and were either US Citizens or Permanent Residents. While the survey is not meant to represent a precise population sample, it does provide valuable insight into a certain segment of the Pakistani-American diaspora. Most respondents considered themselves Pakistanis while another half identified themselves as Pakistani-Americans. As Madood has explored in the case of Britain, people within diasporas often adopt a hyphenated identity like Pakistani-American. This is a simultaneous assertion of their American-ness and their ethnicity, which is spoken of as something positive and a basis for mutual accommodation. The people thus seek “psychological security in affirming an alternative identity to the one they are being excluded from, and a solidarity with a culture or community that they know something of and that is part of their biology”(Madood, 1994; p107). About half of the respondents also identified themselves as Muslims although most of them categorized themselves as ‘Somewhat religious’. The majority of respondents wanted to be identified by Americans as Pakistanis and/or Pakistani-Americans but not as Muslims. This could reflect the stigma associated with being Muslim. Most respondents selected the Indian community as a second choice in the context of associations and friendships. Also, almost all were in favour of Pakistan softening its position on Kashmir in order to allow for progress in relations with India. Unanimously, the respondents considered ‘freedom’ to be the most important and also the most threatened aspect of American culture. Most endorsed political parties whose domestic policy was favourable to American Muslims, Pakistani-Americans and immigrants in the US. Some individuals also placed an importance on US foreign policy as it pertains to Muslims and Pakistan. Life for all respondents has changed post 9-11: they are self-conscious, both of being Pakistani and Muslim, concerned about the safety of loved ones, wary of travelling given the ‘random’ security checks, uncomfortable using e-mail and telephone, and in many cases, have faced uncomfortable situations at work. A few have endured physical attacks and been questioned by the FBI. Many voiced the concern that a different justice standard was being reserved for Muslims: ‘A mere perception of less equal has rendered me vulnerable’. Most respondents have considered moving to Canada or even back to Pakistan. The Pakistani Embassy in Washington estimates that over 5,000 Pakistanis have sought asylum in Canada after 9-11. Some of these individuals fled before the March 2003 INS deadline and had to endure living in refugee camps in Buffalo, NY, set up by non-profit organizations. Canadian authorities are backlogged and these individuals live in fear of deportation now that the deadline has passed. Although most respondents did not feel that Pakistanis had suffered more than other Muslim groups, they did feel that there was a disproportionately high number of illegal Pakistani immigrants who had been detained, deported and had fled to Canada. Most respondents have become politically conscious. They felt that the US Administration’s reaction to 9-11 was unjustified because (i) the US foreign policy was responsible for the events leading up to 9-11 and (ii) attacking and occupying two countries would result in further hatred. With the exception of one respondent, most did not feel increased religiosity post 9-11. With regards to the election of Islamic parties in Pakistan, most felt that it was as a reaction to the US’s actions/foreign policy. “The current rise of political Islam is in part a response to a perceived threat against Islamic values by western popular culture and by American military and political domination of the region” (Haddad, 2002; p214). Moreover, some respondents pointed out that anti-Americanism is feeding off each other: it is increasing in Pakistan as a result of the treatment being meted to Pakistani-Americans, and they in turn, are affected by perceived discriminatory behaviour towards their former homeland. They agreed that American media was biased against Islam and Muslims, but that this was not a new phenomenon and had been present well before 9-11. As regards to the future, even though most felt that the bond amongst Muslims had been strengthened and that Muslims were entering the political arena, most remained pessimistic: the concerns ranged from the persistent Israeli-Palestinian conflict to the fact that resentment against America is spreading. Some pointed to the uncertain future of the Pakistani diaspora: with increasing difficulty in obtaining visas, students from Pakistan may not be able to come to America. This fact, combined with high levels of deportation and migration to Canada, means that the diaspora is shrinking. Most hold a negative opinion about the Bush government and are concerned that neo-conservatives and special interest groups have taken hold of the country post 9-11. A few individuals pointed out the difficulty in remaining secular: one faces attacks from the Muslim community, while also having to defend oneself as a Muslim. The main angst: should another 9-11-style attack be carried out by a Muslim or worse, a person of Pakistani origin, their future could become unbearable.Chapter VII - From ‘Desi’ to Pakistani: The Othering from Indian Americans 9-11 has created a rift between the Indians and Pakistanis in America. Being ‘South Asian’ has become a liability that Indians are anxious to jettison. Shunned from Americans, Pakistani-Americans now feel Othered from their fellow ‘Desi’. The South Asian identity had its issues even before 9-11. There were power and dominance struggles within the diaspora: Pakistanis felt that the South Asian community did not dignify ‘equal space and voice within and between’ and Indians dominate any South Asian coalition. Pakistanis, Bangladeshis are relegated to the role of the ‘Other’, their inclusion an afterthought…the marginalized South Asians in the United States recreate margins themselves’ (Dasgupta, 1998; p7). Homeland politics co-mingle with diaspora friction such that events like the destruction of the Ayodhya mosque in 1992 and the Gujarat riots in 2002 reinforce hostilities. Indians and Pakistanis in diaspora remain divided by the politics of their home countries: while they live and prosper in America, the nationalistic pull is strong, making them desirous of playing a role in the politics of their home countries. Constant visits by political leaders are calculated to recruit support from expatriates, both for lobbying with the US government and as a source of funding. Embassies serve as outposts of Sub-continental governments' efforts to promote home governments politics and purposes. Embassies also employ lobbyists, some of who play a partisan role in diaspora. The established presence of institutions like ICNA and VHP-America (Vishnu Hindu Parishad) also ensure that issues and memories of hostilities between Pakistan and India are kept alive in immigrant minds. Thus relationship between Indians and Pakistanis in diaspora echo tensions in the Sub-continent. September 11 has added fuel to the existing divide and provided further ammunition to separatists in both diasporas. Racism against South Asians has also magnified: all South Asians are perceived as Muslims/from Pakistan. “Racists do not care if we are Indian, Arab, Pakistani, Hindu, Muslim, pacifists, terrorists. We all look the same – different from them” (Mohammad-Arif, 2000; p235). Since 9-11, two Hindus and one Sikh have been killed. Sikhs and other Indians are being advised to proclaim that they are not Muslims to any would-be attackers. Thus Indians are reluctant to be associated with Pakistanis under the South Asian identity and the cross-group unity is being severely tested at this time of crisis, just as it was during World War II, when Chinese-Americans were advertising “Me not Japanese” in their shops. Hate mail from an Indian gentleman pointed out: “Coming to what has caused the problem for all of us Asians here (in the United States)- PAKISTAN”. Being Othered from India is hurtful on several levels: cultural, linguistic and even religious basis (Muslim population). “We are the same people and we share the same ancestors and the same culture. We have a thousand years of amicable existence” (Khuhro, 2003). An interviewee remarked ‘the Desi identity is under attack from fundamentalist elements within both Islamists and Hindus’. This attack is serious given that it is backed by nuclear nationalism from both ends. Thus, being Othered from India not only deprives Pakistan of its shared ancestry and history which most people attribute to Post-partition India only, it also shatters the bond of ‘Desi-ness’. Chapter VIII - The ‘Ultimate Other’Pakistani-Americans, who were already unsure about the Pakistani nationalism vs. Islamic brotherhood debate, find both sets of these identities facing hostility in America. The racial ‘Desi’ bond is also being tested. As a result, Pakistan, from being ‘next to India’ has become situated ‘next to Taliban’, and Pakistani-Americans are being stripped of its ‘model minority’ status by both Americans and Indian Americans and firmly established as the Demonised Other.8.1Empathy from Japanese-Americans and African-AmericansJapanese-Americans realize that September 11 has made Muslims in the United States vulnerable in ways that ‘brought back visceral memories of wartime injustice’ for Japanese-Americans (Nakao, 2003). As a Japanese-American reflected: “It brought out my empathy for the Arab-American who are now ostracized and terrorized on the basis of their ethnicity…..Can this be happening again?” (Goldberg et al, 2002; 359) African-Americans have also voiced their concern against racial profiling. In quoting Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., they draw similarities between their experience and the Arabs: “being harried by day and haunted by night by the fact that you are a Negro, living constantly at tip toe never quite knowing what to expect next, and plagued with inner fears and outer resentments” (ibid; p74).Chapter IX – American Muslim defensive reaction to Othering - Ethnicization of religionThe discrimination and hostility created by American foreign policy (especially in the Middle East) and images projected in literature, movies and the media cause the Muslim identity to be altered and negotiated repeatedly. As a defence mechanism, American Muslims are constructing a new ethnicity for themselves: hoping to elevate their status from the ‘Other’ to the classification of a religious minority, ‘American Muslims’, they want to avail themselves of the legal protection which accompanies the official minority status. The debate surrounding the adoption of a pan-Islamic identity has assumed urgency post 9-11. According to Huntington, the war between civilizations has already started. The American-Muslims have picked their ‘side’ in seeking physical security. They are keen to emphasize the similarities between all Muslims and overlook the differences created by different nationalities, cultures and ethnicities - a difficult task given that most Pakistani-Americans, while viewing religion as an essential element of their identity, also place a high value on their cultural heritage. However: ‘identity implies the elimination and rejection, even if only temporarily, of anything which might divide. It imposes a common uniting core, or maybe several, and apart from these any other experiences must be seen as secondary’. Islam would be the defining core here. Islam stresses the unity and brotherhood amongst all Muslims, regardless of ethnicity. “Sometimes this is developed into a conscious anti-ethnicity approach in which it is insisted that not only the requirements of Islam but also the ‘imagined community’ of Muslims take precedence over what are regarded as merely ethnic and national heritage” (Madood, 1994; p61). However, American Muslims are finding that in order to build this ‘imagined community’ of American Muslims, they have to position themselves as an ethnic group: not only does it allow American Muslims to gain political and economic power but also, in presenting themselves as an ethnicity, they become palatable to the Americans since ethnicity is the only concept that is officially recognized in political processes - census categories, pressure groups and even parades. “The ethnicization of religion meets the need to standardize Islam, but it is also in keeping with the perception of the host society, which by seeing members of a religious group as one homogenous whole, tends to create a distinct category” (Mohammad-Arif, 2000; p258). Thus, in this construction of a new ethnic category, American Muslim, we find strong evidence for my stand that ethnicities are instrumental and relationalist, and evolve to accommodate changing environment. The ethnicization of Islam is evidenced by the way in which Islam is trying to establish itself on the American landscape: the Muslim Day Parade, Islamic Awareness Week, and efforts by the Muslims to set themselves up as a political lobby. The Muslim World Day Parade has been taking place since 1985. Since most parades that take place in the United States demonstrate ethnic pride rather than religious affiliation, this display promotes Islam as an ethnicity. Moreover, the civic pageant of the Muslim Day Parade “parallels versions of ceremonies and events to reassure the larger society that even Muslims accept and join in American pluralism” (Van Der Veer, 1995; p172). Mohammed-Arif has mentioned that blurring of lines between ethnicity and religion of a particular group allows for a group’s unity and its coherence and she provides the example of the ‘Greek Orthodox’ group in America. While it is too early to tell if ethnicization efforts will be successful, similar attempts in UK have failed. In 1988, British-Muslims had officially requested to be counted as an ethnic group – as Sikhs and Jews are - in order to get protection from discrimination by Race Relations Act 1976. However, this request was rejected as British authorities argued that the diversity of language and geographical origins did not allow for their status as an ethnic group. 9.1The uniformAmongst young women, the hijab is often worn with jeans or long skirt instead of shalwar kameez. This uniform is an outward sign of their search for identity and also serves to create bonds between them: by standardizing their physical appearance they break down barriers which were erected by their immigrant Muslim parents between the different nationalities. 9.2Mosques for ‘American Muslims’ Some of the first mosques to be constructed in New York City were by Pakistani-Americans in 1976. Mosques were set up along ethnic lines with language as the main reason for the ethnic divide. However, mosques have evolved from their usual role of place of prayer, of religious instruction and celebration of Islamic festivals to becoming the sacred place that fulfils the social and political aspirations of the community. In this evolution, the mosque has borrowed heavily from churches and synagogues; it is becoming the hub of a community that is built across ethnic divides. As such, sermons are in English and women are active participants, contrary to Pakistani/Arab tradition, and in imitation of churches, Sunday schools offer Quranic instruction. Different committees have been set up to perform functions such as: managing press relationships, publishing newsletters, interacting with different sects of Islam, as well as establishing relationships with rabbis and priests in the community; additionally supporting political causes through regular meetings with American politicians. Mosques have evolved from serving one ethno-linguistic group, such as the Pakistanis, to a community organization supporting the broader ‘ethnicity’ defined as American Muslims.Ethnicization of Islam is the defensive measure that Pakistanis and Muslims are adopting as a result of the Othering process. This unification, in the guise of ethnicity, hopes to elevate the Muslims from the ‘Other’ category to ‘Minority’ status as American Muslims. “The inherent tension in this new sense of identity lies in its contradictory nature, the seemingly unbridgeable gap between Islamic claim to universality and the ethnocentric frame of reference inherent in minority status” (Haddad, 1991; p 60). However, this process of ethnicization is not fait accomplit: not only is unification across the various levels of fragmentation difficult, questions exist regarding an ethnic ‘deculturalized’ Islam: what its nature will be and whether it is a goal important enough to eliminate different ethnic and cultural interpretations (Haddad, 1994: pxxv). Chapter X – Worrying signs10.1Implications for the futureProfessor Keen pointed out ‘if human rights do exist (as indeed they claim to in the US) and a particular group is being systematically abused, eliminated or neglected despite the presence of adequate resources, doesn’t it follow that the system is implicitly labelling them as not human?’ Labelled as they are, at some level, Muslims in United States feel that by submitting to a different set of rules in the American justice system, they may assuage the concerns that Americans in general have regarding American Muslims. While some feel that accepting a certain level of curtailment of their civil liberties is the ‘call of the day’, others are resentful that their loyalty to the United States is being called into question. Secular Pakistani-Americans have seen the Muslim part of their identity assume ascendancy: “Around the world, non-Muslim officials are reminding people like me (secular, liberal, progressive man) that we are Muslims first and businessmen or novelists (or heart-broken lovers, for that matter) second.” (Hamid, 2003) To quote Professor Keen again “if there is a widespread belief among the respective communities that the state is not upholding the law so as to protect them, people may emphasise their own ethnicity in a defensive way and may even be tempted to organise their own systems of justice” (Keen, 2002). Continued marginalization of American Muslims, the resultant construction of a ‘ethnic’ religious minority, the real danger of falling below the law, as well as the institutionalisation of a parallel legal system (‘where dark-skinned, Muslim individuals are considered guilty until proven innocent’), are dangerous signals for the future of US democracy. In 1990, the riots in Los Angeles showed the outcome of the widespread belief among African-American communities that the state was not upholding the law so as to protect them. “Life for Arab Americans and Muslims increasingly resembles George Orwell’s “Animal Farm,” maxim “All animals are equal, but some animals are more equal than others.” When it comes to terrorism cases, all citizens are equal but some are more equal than others” (Turley, 2003).10.2ConclusionMadood asserts that insecure conditions often lead individuals and communities to cling to and assert ethnic pride and distinctiveness, providing them with psychological strength. “The fate of the minority depends upon the attitudes of the majority” (Madood, 1994; p106). Unfortunately, by exposing American vulnerability, September 11 has created a ‘national psychological trauma’ within Americans (Hewitt, 2003; p9) and strengthened their patriotic resolve against the ‘Other’. As a result, there is little hope of securing the environment for American Muslims and Pakistani-Americans. American Muslims wonder, “if Americans in general, and the American administration in particular, base the value of human lives on the victim’s religious or ethnic affiliation” (Haddad, 1991; p222).Thus, Pakistani-Americans and other Muslims are anxiously waiting for the next chapter in their lives in America. ‘Prison cells, abuse and horror are all too familiar to those who experienced them in their countries of birth. American Muslims face what they feared in their homelands – retaliation based on ethnicity, religious belief and political opinion’. They are simultaneously angry and fearful at the prospect of another terrorist attack in the US by a Muslim or even worse, a person of Pakistani origin. For American Muslims efforts to elevate themselves from the ultimate ‘Other’ category to ‘Minority’ status have suffered a significant setback post September 11, 2001.BibliographyAbedin and Sardar. (1995). Muslim Minorities in the West, :Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs.Adeney, Katherine. (1998). Politics of Identity in South Asia, Staffordshire: Political Studies Association.Allen, Tim and Seaton, Jean. (1999). The Media of Conflict: war reporting and representations of ethnic violence’, London: Zed Press.Atal, Subodh. (2003). Policy Analysis. March 5.Bates, Crispin. (2001). Community, Empire and Migration: South Asians in Diaspora, London; Palgrave Macmillan. Brah, Avtar. (1996). Cartographies of Diaspora – Contesting Identities, New York: Routledge.Cainkar, Louise. (2003). “Targeting Muslims, at Ashcroft’s Discretion.” Middle East Report Online, March 14.Castells, Manual. (1997). The Power of Identity, The Information Age – Economy, Society and Culture, London; Blackwell Publishers.Chang, Nancy. (2002). Silencing Political Dissent: How Post-September 11 Anti-Terrorism Measures Threaten Our Civil Liberties, New York: Seven Stories Press.Chomsky, Noam. (2001). 9-11, New York: Seven Stories PressChomsky, Noam. (2003). Power and Terror: Post-9/11 talks and interviews by Noam Chomsky, New York: Seven Stories PressCole, David and Dempsey, James. (2002). Terrorism and the Constitution, New York: The First Amendment FoundationCoward, Harold, Hinnells, John, and Williams, Raymond. (2000). The South Asian Religious Diaspora in Britain, Canada, and the United States (Suny Series in Religious Studies), Albany: State University of New York.Coward, Harold. (2000). South Asian Diaspora in North America: An Annotated Bibliography, Crane, Ralph and Mohanram, Radhika. (2000). Shifting Continents/Colliding Cultures – Diaspora Writing of the Indian Sub-continent, Amsterdam-Atlanta: --------Dasgupta, Shamila. (1998). A Patchwork Shawl: Chronicles of South Asian women in America, New Brunswick, New Jersey and London: Rutgers University PressFeatherstone, Mike. (1990). Global Culture: Nationalism, Globalization and Modernity (Theory, Culture and Society), Sage Publications Ltd. Friedman, Thomas. (2002). Longitudes and Attitudes: Exploring the World After September 11, New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux Goldberg, Danny, Goldberg, Victor and Greenwald, Robert. (2002). It's a Free Country: Personal Freedom in America After September 11, New York: RDV Books/Akashic BooksGoodstein, Laurie. (2001). “Muslims nurture sense of self on campus.” New York Times, November 3.Grare, Frederic. (2002). The Muslims of the Indian sub-continent after the 11th September Attacks, New Delhi: India Research Press 2002Haddad, Yvonne. (1991). Muslims of America, Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press.Haddad, Yvonne and Smith, Jane. (1994). Muslim Communities in North America, New York: State University of New York Press.Haddad, Yvonne. (2002). Muslims in the West – From Sojourners to Citizens, New York: Oxford University Press.Hasan, Khalid. (2003). “Pakistanis bear brunt of immigration swoop”, http://www.dailytimes.com.pk ; July 29.Hamid, Mohsin. (2003). “We Are All on the Same Side.” The Nation, March 7. Hamid, Mohsin. (2003). “Gunning for War.” Time Asia, January 14.Heuvel, Katrina. (2002). A Just Response: The Nation on Terrorism, Democracy, And September 11, 2001, New York: Thunder’s Mouth Press/Nation Books.Hewitt, Christopher. (2003). Understanding Terrorism in America from the Klan to Al Qaeda, New York, London: Routledge.Huntington, Samuel. (1996). The Clash of Civilizations? The Debate, New York: Council on Foreign Relations Inc.Huntington, Samuel. (1998). The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order, London: Touchstone.Khawaja, Mahboob. (2000) Muslims and the West – Quest for “Change” and Conflict Resolution, Oxford, Maryland: University Press of America. Khuhro, Hamida (2003). “Our forgotten commitment.” Dawn, June 2.Kumar, Amitava. (2000). Passport Photos, Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press.Lardner Jr., George. (2003). “Brookings Scholar is detained by INS – Registration Rule Snags Pakistani Editor.” The Washington Post, January 30.Madood, Tariq, Beishon, Sharon, and Virdee, Satnam. (1994). Changing Ethnic Identities, London: Policy Studies Institute.Malik, Iftikhar. (1989). Pakistanis in Michigan – A study of Third Culture and Acculturation, New York: AMS Press Inc.Mohammad-Arif, Aminah. (2000). Salaam America South Asian Muslims in New York, London: Anthem PressNakao, Annie. (2003). “Japanese Americans can feel Muslim pain.” San Francisco Chronicle, August 7.Nimer, Mohamed. (2002). American Muslims: One Year after 9-11: Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR), District of Columbia: CAIR– Research Center. Schulhofer, Stephen. (2002). The Enemy Within – Intelligence gathering, law enforcement, and Civil Liberties in the Wake of September 11, New York: A Century Foundation Press.Steinhauer, Jennifer. (2001). “Political memo: On the road to endorsements by ethnic groups, mayoral hopefuls fall into potholes.” New York Times, November 3.Turkley, Jonathan. (2003). “Commentary: Skewed Justice for Muslims.” Los Angeles Times, July 13.Turton, David. (1997). War and Ethnicity: Global Connections and Local Violence, New York: University of Rochester Press Inc.Van Der Veer, Peter. (1995). Nation and Migration: The Politics of Space in the South Asian Diaspora (South Asia Seminar Series), Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania.Vertovec, Steven. (1991). Oxford University Papers on India, Volume 2 Part 2, Aspects of the South Asian Diaspora, Delhi: Oxford University Press.Werbner, Pnina. (2002). Imagined Diasporas Among Manchester Muslims: The Public Performance of Pakistani Transnational Identity Politics, New Mexico: World Anthropology.Zinn, Howard. (2002). Terrorism and War, New York, Toronto, London, Sydney: Seven Stories Press.Keen, David. (2002). Lecture notes, London; London School of EconomicsWebsites: www.chowk.com; www.utexas.edu; www.pakistanlink.com; www.cair-net.org; http://www.ncpa.info; www.dawn.com; PAGE PAGE 4Candidate Number: 36596